钟绍军儿子钟鹏宇是澳大利亚间谍?胡锦涛给中国选的总书记/总理,李克强干弟弟的马仔。陈吉宁是习远平马仔,秦城候选人。山西政协主席吴存荣的派系背景。

大家好,我们继续这三个话题,山西政协主席吴存荣,上海市委书记陈吉宁胡锦涛给中国选的未来的总书记或者总理,李克强干弟弟的马仔。首先,感谢这名网友的批评。枞阳是安庆市的,2016年才划给铜陵市的,区划调整,这个我真不知道。其实,枞阳写的很清楚,根本就没看进去。这个说错了,给大家道歉。其实就是省长,要提拔吴存荣,给他安排一个地级市,提提级别。

经过这名网友的指点,枞阳县隶属于安庆市而不是铜陵市,那就不是1997年的铜陵市委书记钱明高而是1997年的安庆市委书记陈履祥陈履祥的资料有啊,一看就是习近平这个派系的。这下更清楚,必须是习近平的人了,谢谢这名网友。陈履祥的简历网上也没有现成的,只有一些零星的新闻。但是根据这些新闻,已经足以判断出陈履祥的派系。

我用网上仅有一些信息,给大家拼凑出陈履祥的简历。1997年1月 – 2000年10月,陈履祥任安庆市委书记。2003年8月15日之前,陈履祥任安徽省纪委副书记、监察厅厅长。2008年1月17日之前,陈履祥任安徽省委督查组副组长。2017年7月19日之前,陈履祥任安徽省关工委常务副主任。仅仅凭这些信息已经足够了,足可以判断,安徽省安庆市委书记陈履祥习近平派系的马仔。因为陈履祥触发了习近平派系的关键词,关工委。关心下一代委员会。

朱镕基使用了21年的秘书李炳军曾经是顾秀莲的秘书,顾秀莲也是江苏省南通市人。顾秀莲周可仁是一个地级市的老乡。顾秀莲终身连任关工委主任,关心下一代委员会,已经连任16年了,顾秀莲习近平一样贪恋权力。只要触发了关工委这三个字,那十有八九是习近平派系的人。而且我的预感越来越不好,我感觉,关工委没有那么简单,会不会隐藏这习近平朱镕基王岐山和爱泼斯坦,那个岛,干的一样的坏事,还真不好说。习近平是没有底线的。共产党是没有底线的,什么坏事都干的出来。

这个我没法再展开讲了。现在按照35岁正部级定律,推广一下我的听床法,吴存荣35岁之前认识了安徽省长傅锡寿傅锡寿谷牧的人,谷牧提拔的贾庆林贾庆林提拔的习近平。说明傅锡寿认识习近平或者陈云李鹏的可能。

1999年2月,36岁的吴存荣任安徽省水利厅副厅长、党组成员。当时的安徽省委书记是回良玉(1998年8月 – 1999年12月),当时的安徽省长是王太华(1998年10月 – 2000年1月)。2001年7月,38岁的吴存荣任安徽省水利厅厅长、党组书记。当时的安徽省委书记是王太华(2000年1月 – 2004年12月),当时的安徽省长是许仲林(2000年1月 – 2002年10月)。

吴存荣提拔副局级和正局级提拔的也挺快的,提拔水利厅副厅长的时候安徽省委书记是回良玉回良玉江泽民派系的。吴存荣提拔水利厅副厅长和厅长的时候,王太华一次是安徽省长,一次是安徽省委书记。就猜就可以了,吴存荣就是王太华提拔的,王太华就是陈云习近平这个派系的官员。

在说王太华的派系背景之前,我给大家,简单捋一下安徽省委书记的派系,安徽一共20个省委书记。我要说是,那就是99%的准确,我要说猜,可能是,那也是百分之七八十的准确。我不知道的,我就不说了。
曾希圣邓小平派系的,曾希圣邓小平的铁杆马仔。李德生猜是毛泽东的人。万里邓小平派系。张劲夫陈云派系的。张劲夫一定要强调一下,因为要说陈吉宁,肯定要说清华大学。张劲夫的弟弟张健是1980年代初期的清华大学的党委副书记。当时的清华大学党委书记是刘达刘达陈云的秘书。

胡锦涛虽然是清华大学毕业的,但是胡锦涛一共在清华大学提拔两个人。而且这两个人说实话,和清华大学关系并不大。
一个是张福森当过司法部长,这是胡锦涛清华大学同一届的同学。
一个是现在兰州大学校长杨勇平,副部级,也是三中全会之后,胡锦涛重新掌权之后提拔的
副部级百分之八九十,只有总书记或者总理才能提拔
兰州大学校长杨勇平是华北电力大学党委书记徐大平提拔的
胡锦涛徐大平在清华大学的辅导员。
除了张福森杨勇平这两个人,胡锦涛在清华大学没有提拔过官员。

也许还有,我不知道。但肯定是不多
所以清华大学并不是胡锦涛的势力范围。
清华大学主要是陈云习近平的人,朱镕基的人
所以,张劲夫我们要重点讲。李贵鲜猜是江泽民的人。卢荣景陈云习近平派系的,回良玉江泽民派系的,王太华陈云习近平派系的。郭金龙胡锦涛的人

张宝顺可能是胡锦涛的人
李锦斌陈云习近平派系的
韩俊梁言顺可能是胡锦涛的人。20个安徽省委书记,大概是这么一个情况。大包听床定律第2条,没有任何一个省只有一个派系。水浅王八多,每个省那都是错综复杂,勾心斗角。把安徽说成安徽帮,和上海帮,福建帮一样都是扯淡的说法。

我给大家简单找一下王太华的派系。王太华担任安徽省长的大秘叫做田维谦田维谦王太华并不是完全吻合。当时的省长是回良玉,但是当时的省委书记是傅锡寿傅锡寿陈云习近平派系的。说明当时安徽省的政治斗争很激烈。1998年就是江泽民李鹏朱镕基的政治斗争。省委书记不可能和省长进行政治斗争,都是背后的总书记和总理在地方的代理人之争。

田维谦曾经担任安徽省芜湖市的市委秘书长,是当时的芜湖市委书记金庭柏的大秘。金庭柏是芜湖市关工委名誉主任,又是关工委。金庭柏认识熊向晖熊向晖是中共的大特务,大间谍,熊向晖的老板就是周恩来习近平他爸习仲勋周恩来大秘。所以我说关工委里面,没有一个好人,是相当邪恶。关工委的邪恶超出了我们的想象。绝对比爱泼斯坦那个岛邪恶。

吴存荣后来担任合肥市长,从水利厅长到合肥市长,虽然合肥市长位子重要,但这是正局级的平调。操作难度会小很多。吴存荣升任安徽省委常委,吴邦国是人大委员长,政治局常委排名第二。吴存荣担任合肥市长的时候和担任合肥市委书记的孙金龙搭档。孙金龙可能是李克强下属,可能是胡锦涛的人。当时的安徽省委书记郭金龙百分百是胡锦涛的人。现在吴存荣被抓,说明当年吴存荣郭金龙,孙金龙,没少进行政治斗争。被抓都是有原因的。郭金龙胡锦涛团队的核心成员。吴存荣肯定是得罪郭金龙了。

陈吉宁习远平的马仔,明年就应该就去住秦城了。国际节能环保协会创建于2007年11月,习远平曾经担任国际节能环保协会会长,为了掩人耳目,该协会已于2014年重组为国际生态经济协会。换汤不换药,换个名字,换个马甲而已,背后实际控制人仍为习远平,继续贪污腐败捞钱。习远平找了一个白手套当会长,叫做郝吉明

郝吉明应该是前任清华大学党委书记方惠坚提拔的,方惠坚陈云的秘书刘达提拔的,当时的清华大学党委副书记张健张劲夫的弟弟。张劲夫陈云的马仔曾经担任安徽省委书记,中国副总理。胡锦涛在清华大学没有提拔什么人,清华大学基本是陈云习近平朱镕基的全家桶。丁薛祥,这都是习近平的铁杆马仔。大外宣还要把丁薛祥洗地成江派,丁薛祥江泽民一毛钱关系都没有。大外宣天天拿着习近平的黑钱在洗地。

1999年7月,在郝吉明推荐下,陈吉宁任清华大学环境工程系主任,接任郝吉明郝吉明习远平的白手套,陈吉宁习近平的铁杆马仔,贪污腐败无恶不作。习近平不是自己主动要下台的,而是胡锦涛把他赶下台的。习近平如果有这个本事,把总书记传位给自己的铁杆马仔陈吉宁,那习近平干嘛不自己当总书记啊?这是悖论。

51岁的山西省大同市委书记卢东亮升任山西常务副省长。卢东亮李克强干弟弟的马仔。这是胡锦涛给22大安排的总书记或者总理。最次也是政治局常委。卢东亮李克强的人,都是胡锦涛安排的,根本就没有习近平什么事儿。

首先我们回答这个问题,什么样的职位可以升任省长。省委副书记升任省长的可能性最大,但并不一定,最新就是江西省委副书记吴忠琼,直接退居二线。可能是吴邦国的马仔,吴邦国,畏罪自己走了。马仔也下去了。我们看现在省长的来源,17个省长是从省委副书记升上来,6名是从省会城市市委书记或者副省级城市市委书记升上去的。4人是常务副省长直接升任省长,两个人是国企董事长升任省长,两人是正部级平调担任省长。

这是纸上谈兵,这是习近平时代东西,胡锦涛的习惯可能不也一样。比如,要找一下2008年或者2009年那个时代,省长是怎么升上去的。没准胡锦涛喜欢直接提拔常务副省长担任省会呢。所以我看有人说常务副省长是少数可以直接升任省长的职位,这是不对的。省会的市委书记或者副省级城市的市委书记也可以直接升任省长。

有了这个基础知识,这个卢东亮身份特殊,他和李克强的关系密切。如果胡锦涛两年之内把卢东亮直接生拔山西省长,再调到别的省份去当省委书记。那么卢东亮几乎肯定进政治局常委。是不是会当总书记或者总理就不知道了。所以卢东亮还要继续观察,没有习近平什么事儿了。都是胡锦涛李克强的人上位。

这名网友说,请教博主:钟绍军的继任者,如果明确是方永祥方永祥苗华大本营31军出身啊…。我的回复是,方永祥也可以展开说一下,可以说说方永祥苗华关系和苗华的老丈人叶汉林的关系。胡锦涛抓了李尚福,换上来的国防部长董军还是习近平的人。胡锦涛贬黜了钟绍军,换上来的军委办公厅主任方永祥还是习近平的人。那是不是这样的操作就没有任何意义呢,那很明显不是。一口吃不成胖子,这些事情都是步步紧逼,一点一点的继续自己的实力,打击对手的实力。稳扎稳打,到了最后,觉得自己实力足够的时候,才会雷霆一击,一锅端。

首先,第一层意思,钟绍军发配国防大校这明显是贬黜,这个毫无疑问。时光辉从贵州省委副书记平调内蒙古自治区副书记。由于内蒙古的特殊性,是自治区,主席需要蒙古族担任。时光辉很明显不符合这个条件,时光辉也不是什么特殊人,没有必须要为了时光辉,打破多年的惯例。不仅仅是内蒙古,还有新疆西藏宁夏广西。可以说牵一发而动全身。既然不可能为了时光辉打破5个自治区,多年来的惯例,提拔一个非蒙古族的官员担任内蒙古的主席。那把时光辉放在内蒙古就很尴尬。这就是贬黜。

钟绍军也是一样,哪怕把钟绍军平调战区副司令或者军中副司令,或者副政委,就是平调到一个未来可以晋升上将的职位。那还能说是习近平,为了提拔钟绍军,给钟绍军铺路。现在国防大学已经降格为副战区级。默认政委就是中将。高配上将,一般就要从别的上将职位调过去,如果仅仅是中将,想要在国防大学政委的位子提拔上将,那就是破格提拔。难度就很大了。和时光辉完全可以做一个类比。这就是贬黜。钟绍军现在弄得和时光辉一样,不上不下,很尴尬。

时光辉还算不上习近平团队的核心成员,但是钟绍军不一样,钟绍军是所有人公认的习近平在军队核心成员。钟绍军苗华,是习近平在军队的左膀右臂。习近平现在等于两只胳膊被人废了,那他还能打架吗?即便方永祥也是习近平的人,但是钟绍军被贬黜对于习近平在军队的权威也是一次重大打击。我们再看两个事实就行。钟绍军是1968年出生,现在56岁,方永祥是1966年出生,现在58岁。钟绍军还比方永祥年轻2岁。这明显就不是习近平的布局。布局是提拔年轻官员,哪里有用年纪大的官员,来取代年轻官员道理。

赶紧兜售我的听床定律第4条,习近平从来不抓自己人,习远平不会自己贬黜钟绍军。不是习近平那肯定就是胡锦涛干的呀。就是胡锦涛李希张升民天天给习近平钟绍军的黑材料。钟绍军的黑材料是什么,我不知道。是不是钟绍军的儿子钟鹏宇呢?钟鹏宇跑到澳大利亚玩去,跑到大洋路。说,这不就是旅游,用得着这么上纲上线吗?国安部的陈一新天天跟神经病一样抓间谍。现在军委办公厅主任的儿子都跑到澳大利亚去了。国安部查还是不查。

中国这些官员哪个不贪腐,哪个不腐败。钟绍军贪腐的黑材料难道少吗?李希钟绍军贪腐的黑材料递到习近平办公桌上。那让习近平怎么办呢?只能挥泪斩马谡。

方永祥替换钟绍军明显造成了习近平军令不畅

第三,方永祥替换钟绍军很明显造成了习近平军令不畅。我们先类比一下最近的新闻。加拿大副总理兼财政部长克里斯蒂娅·弗里兰在担任该职务超过4年后,于16日上午突然宣布辞职。此举发生在她原定代表特鲁多政府向国会提交秋季经济报告之前数小时,引发朝野震动和舆论哗然。弗里兰在社交平台上公布了致特鲁多的辞呈。她表示,特鲁多上周五提议她在内阁中另任他职。经过考虑,弗里兰认为“唯一诚实和可行的路径是辞去内阁职务”。

弗里兰坦言,近来她与特鲁多在加拿大前行最佳道路上意见不一。她认为,加拿大面临着即将执政的美国川普政府推行的“激进经济民族主义政策”的威胁。这意味着加拿大需要“储备好财政弹药”以应对关税战,并且要“避免代价高昂的政治花招”,以及“真诚而谦卑地”与加拿大各省和地区行政领导合作。她表示,正是这种信念驱使自己在今秋努力管理政府支出。弗里兰还表示将继续留任自由党众议员,并寻求参加下次选举。

弗里兰早年曾供职于媒体,并在2013年进入政界,代表自由党当选众议员。在特鲁多率自由党在2015年大选中赢得执政权后,弗里兰获器重,先后出任国际贸易部长、外交部长、副总理兼政府间事务部长,2020年8月获任副总理兼财长。此前,她在公开场合一向是特鲁多的坚定支持者。弗里兰本应在当天下午向国会众议院提交2024年秋季经济报告。该报告被视为加拿大政府对年度财政预算案的补充,也会公布最新赤字规模等关键经济数据。但今年该报告公布时间相对较晚。加拿大国会众议院计划于12月17日结束其秋季会期。

这份秋季经济报告由自由党众议院领袖古尔德向众议院提交。特鲁多缺席国会会议。加拿大公共安全、民主机制和内政部长多米尼克·勒布朗临危受命,当日下午宣誓就职兼任财长。他是前总督罗密欧·勒布朗之子,与总理特鲁多自幼便是好友。

加拿大政府的2024年秋季经济报告显示,2023至2024财年赤字升至619亿加元。弗里兰曾在一年前承诺将该财年赤字控制在400亿加元以下。报告显示,增加的开支主要来自解决原住民索赔以及疫情相关支出。2024至2025财年的最新预计赤字为483亿加元,而弗里兰今春的预算赤字为398亿加元。近两年的民调显示,加拿大总理特鲁多及自由党的民望一路走低,已大幅落后于主要对手保守党。

大家对比就可以发现,加拿大作为一个民主国家,特鲁多的核心团队成员弗里兰,已经造成多大的混乱,多名特鲁多本党自由党的国会议员,要求特鲁多辞职。可想而知,习近平在军队的大秘,钟绍军被贬黜闲职,给中国军队,给习近平指挥中国军队,造成了多大的混乱。团队的核心成员,突然离职,肯定会造成混乱啊。只不过民主国家混乱摆在桌面上,我们可以看到,中共是一个黑箱。我们要努力的观察,才可能发现蛛丝马迹。

以前用钟绍军已经用顺手了,现在方永祥刚来,熟悉情况也要两三个月吧。2024年4月23日,习近平到位于重庆的陆军军医大学视察,央视画面显示,陪同的除了中央军委副主席何卫东外,还有曾任退役军人事务部副部长的方永祥中将等。2024年4月23日,方永祥第一次以中央军委办公厅主任的身份公开亮相。2024年6月19日,胡锦涛就动手了,把习近平的上将中将一锅端了。

胡锦涛发现习近平也没有什么反击能力

这就是一次试探,胡锦涛发现习近平也没有什么反击能力,可以把习近平拿下才拿下的。这是一个累积实力,逐渐的扭转劣势的过程,不是一蹴而就的。一锅端是一锤子买卖,但是累积实力是一个渐进的,逐步的,量变到质变的过程。这就是一个慢慢攒劲的过程,但是,也不知道什么时候就积攒到了足够的能量。就是军队的基本盘,胡锦涛不足以挑战习近平江泽民也不足以挑战习近平。但是胡锦涛江泽民在军队的势力绑在一起。就足以和习近平掰掰手腕了。

胡锦涛得到江泽民支持之后呢,在军队,实力弱于习近平但是基本旗鼓相当。在陆军这个局部,实力强于习近平江泽民的实力,几乎全在陆军。就是我之前说的华国锋的例子,江森哲还说让华国锋邓小平和四人帮之间搞平衡,怎么可能呢?不要犯这种拿着后面50年历史,去说历史当事人傻缺,这种错误。总书记是,的确也是普通人,他们无法预见未来。但是,把我们放在总书记的位子,我们可能也要吓得尿裤子。敢动手吗?敢像华国锋一样对四人帮动手吗?敢像胡锦涛一样对习近平动手吗?

我们不要觉得我们历史当事人聪明,很多细节,我们也不知道。现在我告诉大家,胡锦涛是2024年6月19日动手的,那为什么胡锦涛不在4月19号动手呢,不在8月19号动手呢。就是历史的当事人,不能预见未来,胡锦涛自己也害怕呢。就是习近平想把胡锦涛弄死,习近平也害怕呢。胡锦涛想把习近平弄死,胡锦涛也害怕呢。到底未来会发生什么,历史的当事人,他不会知道。不要拿着未来的历史,去跟华国锋说,瞧你这傻样。让我来,怎么怎么着,肯定比你玩得漂亮。

这种复盘,穿越回去的思路,肯定不对啊。胡锦涛2024年4月,搞了一下习近平的军队大秘钟绍军,试探了一下,小试牛刀,发现习近平没有什么反击能力。这才心里有底,6月份才敢动手的。陈桥兵变,黄袍加身,不是赵匡胤安排手下演双簧,也不单单是手下军官有野心,想要立拥戴之功。而是气氛烘托到这里了。不动手不行了。所以我说,2024年6月19日,已经是箭在弦上,不得不发了。

就是胡锦涛手下那么军官跟着他提着脑袋干,到了最后,发现实力足以干翻习近平。可以收割果实的时候,断然没有不动手的道理。到了最后已经不是胡锦涛想干翻习近平,或者上将想升官发财。而是胡锦涛江泽民政治集团的集体意志。不动手不行啊。三中全会之后已经提拔了100个正部级副部级的官员,这明显不是张又侠能够有的政治能量的。

胡锦涛习近平的上将中将一锅端,这件事情如果有足够多的现任和退休的政治局常委背书,再加上枪杆子。哪里有人敢反啊?张又侠连政治局常委都不是,他很明显没有这种政治能量,好的,谢谢大家。

英文翻译

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Zhōngshàojūn érzǐ zhōngpéngyǔ shì àodàlìyǎ jiàndié? Hújǐntāo gěi zhōngguó xuǎn de zǒng shūjì/zǒnglǐ, lǐkèqiáng gàn dìdì de mǎ zǐ. Chénjíníng shì xíyuǎnpíng mǎ zǐ, qín chéng hòuxuǎn rén. Shānxī zhèngxié zhǔxí wúcúnróng de pàixì bèijǐng. Dàjiā hǎo, wǒmen jìxù zhè sān gè huàtí, shānxī zhèngxié zhǔxí wúcúnróng, shànghǎi shìwěi shūjì chénjíníng, hújǐntāo gěi zhōngguó xuǎn de wèilái de zǒng shūjì huòzhě zǒnglǐ, lǐkèqiáng gàn dìdì de mǎ zǐ. Shǒuxiān, gǎnxiè zhè míng wǎngyǒu de pīpíng. Cōng yáng shì ānqìng shì de,2016 nián cái huà gěi tónglíng shì de, qūhuà tiáozhěng, zhège wǒ zhēn bù zhīdào. Qíshí, cōng yáng xiě de hěn qīngchǔ, gēnběn jiù méi kàn jìnqù. Zhège shuō cuòle, gěi dàjiā dàoqiàn. Qíshí jiùshì shěng zhǎng, yào tíbá wúcúnróng, gěi tā ānpái yīgè dì jí shì, tí tí jíbié. Jīngguò zhè míng wǎngyǒu de zhǐdiǎn, cōng yáng xiàn lìshǔ yú ānqìng shì ér bùshì tónglíng shì, nà jiù bùshì 1997 nián de tónglíng shìwěi shūjì qián míng gāo ér shì 1997 nián de ānqìng shìwěi shūjì chénlǚxiáng. Chénlǚxiáng de zīliào yǒu a, yī kàn jiùshì xíjìnpíng zhège pàixì de. Zhè xià gèng qīngchǔ, bìxū shì xíjìnpíng de rénle, xièxiè zhè míng wǎngyǒu. Chénlǚxiáng de jiǎnlì wǎngshàng yě méiyǒu xiànchéng de, zhǐyǒu yīxiē língxīng de xīnwén. Dànshì gēnjù zhèxiē xīnwén, yǐjīng zúyǐ pànduàn chū chénlǚxiáng de pàixì. Wǒ yòng wǎngshàng jǐn yǒu yīxiē xìnxī, gěi dàjiā pīncòu chū chénlǚxiáng de jiǎnlì.1997 Nián 1 yuè – 2000 nián 10 yuè, chénlǚxiángrèn ānqìng shìwěi shūjì.2003 Nián 8 yuè 15 rì zhīqián, chénlǚxiángrèn ānhuī shěng jìwěi fù shūjì, jiānchá tīng tīng zhǎng.2008 Nián 1 yuè 17 rì zhīqián, chén lǚ xiángrèn ānhuī shěng wěi dū chá zǔ fù zǔ zhǎng.2017 Nián 7 yuè 19 rì zhīqián, chén lǚ xiángrèn ānhuī shěng guān gōng wěi chángwù fù zhǔrèn. Jǐnjǐn píng zhèxiē xìnxī yǐjīng zúgòule, zú kěyǐ pànduàn, ānhuī shěng ānqìng shìwěi shūjì chén lǚ xiáng shì xíjìnpíng pàixì de mǎ zǐ. Yīnwèi chén lǚ xiáng chùfāle xíjìnpíng pàixì de guānjiàn cí, guān gōng wěi. Guānxīn xià yīdài wěiyuánhuì. Zhūróngjī shǐyòngle 21 nián de mìshū lǐbǐngjūn céngjīng shì gùxiùlián de mìshū, gùxiùlián yěshì jiāngsū shěng nántōng shì rén. Gùxiùlián hé zhōukěrén shì yīgè dì jí shì de lǎoxiāng. Gùxiùlián zhōngshēn liánrèn guān gōng wěi zhǔrèn, guānxīn xià yīdài wěiyuánhuì, yǐjīng liánrèn 16 niánle, gùxiùlián hé xíjìnpíng yīyàng tānliàn quánlì. Zhǐyào chùfāle guān gōng wěi zhè sān gè zì, nà shí yǒu bājiǔ shì xíjìnpíng pàixì de rén. Érqiě wǒ de yùgǎn yuè lái yuè bù hǎo, wǒ gǎnjué, guān gōng wěi méiyǒu nàme jiǎndān, huì bù huì yǐncáng zhè xíjìnpíng zhūróngjī wáng qíshān hé ài pō sītǎn, nàgè dǎo, gàn de yīyàng de huàishì, hái zhēn bù hǎoshuō. Xíjìnpíng shì méiyǒu dǐxiàn de. Gòngchǎndǎng shì méiyǒu dǐxiàn de, shénme huàishì dōu gàn de chūlái. Zhège wǒ méi fǎ zài zhǎnkāi jiǎngle. Xiànzài ànzhào 35 suì zhèng bù jí dìnglǜ, tuīguǎng yīxià wǒ de tīng chuáng fǎ, wúcúnróng 35 suì zhīqiánrènshíle ānhuī shěng zhǎng fùxīshòu, fùxīshòu shì gǔmù de rén, gǔmù tíbá de jiǎqìnglín, jiǎqìnglín tíbá de xíjìnpíng. Shuōmíng fùxīshòu rènshí xíjìnpíng huòzhě chényún lǐpéng de kěnéng. 1999 Nián 2 yuè,36 suì de wúcúnróngrèn ānhuī shěng shuǐlì tīng fù tīng zhǎng, dǎngzǔ chéngyuán. Dāngshí de ānhuī shěng wěi shūjì shì huí liáng yù (1998 nián 8 yuè – 1999 nián 12 yuè), dāngshí de ānhuī shěng zhǎng shì wángtàihuá (1998 nián 10 yuè – 2000 nián 1 yuè).2001 Nián 7 yuè,38 suì de wúcúnróngrèn ānhuī shěng shuǐlì tīng tīng zhǎng, dǎngzǔ shūjì. Dāngshí de ānhuī shěng wěi shūjì shì wángtàihuá (2000 nián 1 yuè – 2004 nián 12 yuè), dāngshí de ānhuī shěng zhǎng shì xǔ zhònglín (2000 nián 1 yuè – 2002 nián 10 yuè). Wúcúnróng tíbá fù jú jí hézhèng jú jí tíbá de yě tǐng kuài de, tíbá shuǐlì tīng fù tīng zhǎng de shíhòu ānhuī shěng wěi shūjì shì huí liáng yù, huí liáng yù shì jiāngzémín pàixì de. Wúcúnróng tíbá shuǐlì tīng fù tīng zhǎng hé tīng zhǎng de shíhòu, wángtàihuá yīcì shì ānhuī shěng zhǎng, yīcì shì ānhuī shěng wěi shūjì. Jiù cāi jiù kěyǐle, wúcúnróng jiùshì wángtàihuá tíbá de, wángtàihuá jiùshì chényún hé xíjìnpíng zhège pàixì de guānyuán. Zài shuō wángtàihuá de pàixì bèijǐng zhīqián, wǒ gěi dàjiā, jiǎndān lǚ yīxià ānhuī shěng wěi shūjì de pàixì, ānhuī yīgòng 20 gè shěng wěi shūjì. Wǒ yào shuō shì, nà jiùshì 99%de zhǔnquè, wǒ yào shuō cāi, kěnéng shì, nà yěshì bǎi fēn zhī qībāshí de zhǔnquè. Wǒ bù zhīdào de, wǒ jiù bù shuōle. Céngxīshèng shì dèngxiǎopíng pàixì de, céngxīshèng shì dèngxiǎopíng de tiěgǎn mǎ zǐ. Lǐdéshēng cāi shì máozédōng de rén. Wànlǐ shì dèngxiǎopíng pàixì. Zhāngjìnfū shì chényún pàixì de. Zhāngjìnfū yīdìng yào qiángdiào yīxià, yīnwèi yào shuō chénjíníng, kěndìng yào shuō qīnghuá dàxué. Zhāngjìnfū de dìdì zhāng jiàn shì 1980 niándài chūqí de qīnghuá dàxué de dǎngwěi fù shūjì. Dāngshí de qīnghuá dàxué dǎngwěi shūjì shì liú dá, liú dá shì chényún de mìshū. Hújǐntāo suīrán shì qīnghuá dàxué bìyè de, dànshì hújǐntāo yīgòng zài qīnghuá dàxué tíbá liǎng gèrén. Érqiě zhè liǎng gèrén shuō shíhuà, hé qīnghuá dàxué guānxì bìng bù dà. Yīgè shì zhāng fúsēn dāngguò sīfǎ bùzhǎng, zhè shì hújǐntāo qīnghuá dàxué tóngyī jiè de tóngxué. Yīgè shì xiànzài lánzhōu dàxué xiàozhǎng yáng yǒngpíng, fù bù jí, yěshì sān zhōng quánhuì zhīhòu, hújǐntāo chóngxīn zhǎngquán zhīhòu tíbá de fù bù jí bǎi fēn zhī bājiǔshí, zhǐyǒu zǒng shūjì huòzhě zǒnglǐ cáinéng tíbá lánzhōu dàxué xiàozhǎng yáng yǒngpíng shì huáběi diànlì dàxué dǎngwěi shūjì xú dàpíng tíbá de hújǐntāo shì xú dàpíng zài qīnghuá dàxué de fǔdǎo yuán. Chúle zhāng fúsēn hé yáng yǒngpíng zhè liǎng gèrén, hújǐntāo zài qīnghuá dàxué méiyǒu tíbáguò guānyuán. Yěxǔ hái yǒu, wǒ bù zhīdào. Dàn kěndìng shì bù duō suǒyǐ qīnghuá dàxué bìng bùshì hújǐntāo de shìlì fànwéi. Qīnghuá dàxué zhǔyào shi chényún hé xíjìnpíng de rén, zhūróngjī de rén suǒyǐ, zhāngjìnfū wǒmen yào zhòngdiǎn jiǎng. Lǐguìxiān cāi shì jiāngzémín de rén. Lúróngjǐng shì chényún xíjìnpíng pàixì de, huí liáng yù shì jiāngzémín pàixì de, wángtàihuá shì chényún xíjìnpíng pàixì de. Guō jīnlóng shì hújǐntāo de rén zhāngbǎoshùn kěnéng shì hújǐntāo de rén lǐjǐnbīn shì chényún xíjìnpíng pàixì de hán jùnhé liángyánshùn kěnéng shì hújǐntāo de rén.20 Gè ānhuī shěng wěi shūjì, dàgài shì zhème yīgè qíngkuàng. Dà bāo tīng chuáng dìnglǜ dì 2 tiáo, méiyǒu rènhé yīgè shěng zhǐyǒu yīgè pàixì. Shuǐ qiǎn wáng bā duō, měi gè shěng nà dōu shì cuòzōngfùzá, gōuxīndòujiǎo. Bǎ ānhuī shuō chéng ānhuī bāng, hé shànghǎi bāng, fújiàn bāng yīyàng dōu shì chědàn de shuōfǎ. Wǒ gěi dàjiā jiǎndān zhǎo yīxià wángtàihuá de pàixì. Wángtàihuá dānrèn ānhuī shěng zhǎng de dà mì jiàozuò tiánwéiqiān. Tiánwéiqiānhé wángtàihuá bìng bùshì wánquán wěnhé. Dāngshí de shěng zhǎng shì huí liáng yù, dànshì dāngshí de shěng wěi shūjì shì fùxīshòu. Fùxīshòu shì chényún xíjìnpíng pàixì de. Shuōmíng dāngshí ānhuī shěng de zhèngzhì dòuzhēng hěn jīliè.1998 Nián jiùshì jiāngzémín hé lǐpéng zhūróngjī de zhèngzhì dòuzhēng. Shěng wěi shūjì bù kěnéng hé shěng zhǎng jìnxíng zhèngzhì dòuzhēng, dōu shì bèihòu de zǒng shūjì hé zǒnglǐ zài dìfāng de dàilǐ rén zhī zhēng. Tián wéi qiān céngjīng dānrèn ānhuī shěng wúhú shì de shìwěi mìshū zhǎng, shì dāngshí de wúhú shìwěi shūjì jīntíngbǎi de dà mì. Jīntíngbǎi shì wúhú shì guān gōng wěi míngyù zhǔrèn, yòu shì guān gōng wěi. Jīntíngbǎi rènshí xióngxiànghuī. Xióngxiànghuī shì zhōnggòng de dà tèwù, dà jiàndié, xióngxiànghuī de lǎobǎn jiùshì zhōu’ēnlái. Xíjìnpíng tā bà xízhòngxūn shì zhōu’ēnlái dà mì. Suǒyǐ wǒ shuō guān gōng wěi lǐmiàn, méiyǒu yīgè hǎorén, shì xiāngdāng xié’è. Guān gōng wěi de xié’è chāochūle wǒmen de xiǎngxiàng. Juéduì bǐ ài pō sītǎn nàgè dǎo xié’è. Wúcúnróng hòulái dānrènhéféi shì zhǎng, cóng shuǐlì tīng zhǎng dào héféi shì zhǎng, suīrán héféi shì zhǎng wèizǐ zhòngyào, dàn zhè shìzhèng jú jí de píng diào. Cāozuò nàn dù huì xiǎo hěnduō. Wúcúnróng shēngrèn ānhuī shěng wěi chángwěi, wúbāngguó shì réndà wěiyuán zhǎng, zhèngzhì jú chángwěi páimíng dì èr. Wúcúnróng dānrèn héféi shì zhǎng de shíhòu hé dānrèn héféi shìwěi shūjì de sūn jīnlóng dādàng. Sūn jīnlóng kěnéng shì lǐkèqiáng xiàshǔ, kěnéng shì hújǐntāo de rén. Dāngshí de ānhuī shěng wěi shūjì guō jīnlóng bǎi fēn bǎi shì hújǐntāo de rén. Xiànzài wúcúnróng bèi zhuā, shuōmíng dāngnián wú cún róng hé guō jīnlóng, sūn jīnlóng, méi shǎo jìnxíng zhèngzhì dòuzhēng. Bèi zhuā dōu shì yǒu yuányīn de. Guō jīnlóng shì hújǐntāo tuánduì de héxīn chéngyuán. Wú cún róng kěndìng shì dézuì guō jīnlóngle. Chénjíníng shì xíyuǎnpíng de mǎ zǐ, míngnián jiù yīnggāi jiù qù zhù qín chéngle. Guójì jiénéng huánbǎo xiéhuì chuàngjiàn yú 2007 nián 11 yuè, xíyuǎnpíng céngjīng dānrèn guójì jiénéng huánbǎo xiéhuì huì zhǎng, wèile yǎnrén’ěrmù, gāi xiéhuì yǐ yú 2014 nián chóngzǔ wèi guójì shēngtài jīngjì xiéhuì. Huàn tāng bù huàn yào, huàngè míngzì, huàngè mǎjiǎ éryǐ, bèihòu shíjì kòngzhì rén réng wèi xíyuǎnpíng, jìxù tānwū fǔbài lāo qián. Xíyuǎnpíng zhǎole yīgè bái shǒutào dānghuì zhǎng, jiàozuò hǎo jímíng. Hǎo jímíng yīnggāi shì qián rèn qīnghuá dàxué dǎngwěi shūjì fānghuìjiān tíbá de, fānghuìjiān shì chényún de mìshū liú dá tíbá de, dāngshí de qīnghuá dàxué dǎngwěi fù shūjì zhāng jiàn shì zhāngjìnfū de dìdì. Zhāngjìnfū shì chényún de mǎ zǐ céngjīng dānrèn ānhuī shěng wěi shūjì, zhōngguó fù zǒnglǐ. Hújǐntāo zài qīnghuá dàxué méiyǒu tíbá shénme rén, qīnghuá dàxué jīběnshì chényún xíjìnpíng zhūróngjī de quánjiā tǒng. Dīng xuē xiáng, zhè dōu shì xíjìnpíng de tiěgǎn mǎ zǐ. Dà wài xuān hái yào bǎ dīng xuē xiáng xǐ dì chéng jiāng pài, dīng xuē xiánghé jiāngzémín yī máo qián guānxì dōu méiyǒu. Dà wài xuān tiāntiān názhe xíjìnpíng de hēiqián zài xǐ de. 1999 Nián 7 yuè, zài hǎo jímíng tuījiàn xià, chénjíníng rèn qīnghuá dàxué huánjìng gōngchéng xì zhǔrèn, jiērèn hǎo jímíng. Hǎo jímíng shì xíyuǎnpíng de bái shǒutào, chénjíníng shì xíjìnpíng de tiěgǎn mǎ zǐ, tānwū fǔbài wú’èbùzuò. Xíjìnpíng bùshì zìjǐ zhǔdòng yào xiàtái de, ér shì hújǐntāo bǎ tā gǎn xiàtái de. Xíjìnpíng rúguǒ yǒu zhège běn shì, bǎ zǒng shūjì chuán wèi jǐ zìjǐ de tiěgǎn mǎ zǐ chénjíníng, nà xíjìnpíng gàn ma bù zìjǐ dāng zǒng shūjì a? Zhè shì bèi lùn. 51 Suì de shānxī shěng dàtóng shìwěi shūjì lúdōngliàng shēngrèn shānxī chángwù fù shěng zhǎng. Lúdōngliàng shì lǐkèqiáng gàn dìdì de mǎ zǐ. Zhè shì hújǐntāo gěi 22 dà ānpái de zǒng shūjì huòzhě zǒnglǐ. Zuì cì yěshìzhèngzhì jú chángwěi. Lúdōngliàng shì lǐkèqiáng de rén, dōu shì hújǐntāo ānpái de, gēnběn jiù méiyǒu xíjìnpíng shénme shì er. Shǒuxiān wǒmen huídá zhège wèntí, shénme yàng de zhíwèi kěyǐ shēngrèn shěng zhǎng. Shěng wěi fù shūjì shēngrèn shěng zhǎng de kěnéng xìng zuìdà, dàn bìng bù yīdìng, zuìxīn jiùshì jiāngxī shěng wěi fù shūjì wúzhōng qióng, zhíjiē tuì jū èrxiàn. Kěnéng shì wúbāngguó de mǎ zǐ, wúbāngguó, wèizuì zìjǐ zǒule. Mǎ zǐ yě xiàqùle. Wǒmen kàn xiànzài shěng zhǎng de láiyuán,17 gè shěng zhǎng shì cóng shěng wěi fù shūjì shēng shànglái,6 míng shì cóng shěnghuì chéngshì shìwěi shūjì huòzhě fù shěng jí chéngshì shìwěi shūjì shēng shàngqù de.4 Rén shì chángwù fù shěng zhǎng zhíjiē shēngrèn shěng zhǎng, liǎng gèrén shì guóqǐ dǒngshì zhǎng shēngrèn shěng zhǎng, liǎng rén shì zhèng bù jí píng diào dānrèn shěng zhǎng. Zhè shì zhǐshàngtánbīng, zhè shì xíjìnpíng shídài dōngxī, hújǐntāo de xíguàn kěnéng bù yě yīyàng. Bǐrú, yào zhǎo yīxià 2008 nián huòzhě 2009 nián nàgè shídài, shěng zhǎng shì zěnme shēng shàngqù de. Méizhǔn hújǐntāo xǐhuān zhíjiē tíbá chángwù fù shěng zhǎng dānrèn shěnghuì ne. Suǒyǐ wǒ kàn yǒurén shuō chángwù fù shěng zhǎng shì shǎoshù kěyǐ zhíjiē shēngrèn shěng zhǎng de zhíwèi, zhè shì bùduì de. Shěnghuì de shìwěi shūjì huòzhě fù shěng jí chéngshì de shìwěi shūjì yě kěyǐ zhíjiē shēngrèn shěng zhǎng. Yǒule zhège jīchǔ zhīshì, zhège lúdōngliàng shēnfèn tèshū, tā hé lǐkèqiáng de guānxì mìqiè. Rúguǒ hújǐntāo liǎng nián zhī nèi bǎ lúdōngliàng zhíjiē shēng bá shānxī shěng zhǎng, zài diào dào bié de shěngfèn qù dāng shěng wěi shūjì. Nàme lúdōngliàng jīhū kěndìng jìn zhèngzhì jú chángwěi. Shì bùshì huì dāng zǒng shūjì huòzhě zǒnglǐ jiù bù zhīdàole. Suǒyǐ lúdōngliàng hái yào jìxù guānchá, méiyǒu xíjìnpíng shénme shì erle. Dōu shì hújǐntāo hé lǐkèqiáng de rén shàngwèi. Zhè míng wǎngyǒu shuō, qǐngjiào bó zhǔ: Zhōngshàojūn de jìrèn zhě, rúguǒ míngquè shì fāngyǒngxiáng, fāngyǒngxiáng shì miáo huá dàběnyíng 31 jūn chūshēn a…. Wǒ de huífù shì, fāngyǒngxiáng yě kěyǐ zhǎnkāi shuō yīxià, kěyǐ shuō shuō fāngyǒngxiánghé miáo huá guānxì hé miáo huá de lǎozhàng rén yèhànlín de guānxì. Hújǐntāo zhuāle lǐ shàngfú, huàn shànglái de guófáng bùzhǎng dǒng jūn háishì xíjìnpíng de rén. Hújǐntāo biǎnchùle zhōngshàojūn, huàn shànglái de jūnwěi bàngōng tīng zhǔrèn fāngyǒngxiáng háishì xíjìnpíng de rén. Nà shì bùshì zhèyàng de cāozuò jiù méiyǒu rèn hé yìyì ne, nà hěn míngxiǎn bùshì. Yīkǒu chī bùchéng pàngzǐ, zhèxiē shìqíng dōu shì bù bùjǐn bī, yī diǎn yī diǎn de jìxù zìjǐ de shílì, dǎjí duìshǒu de shílì. Wěnzhāwěndǎ, dàole zuìhòu, juédé zìjǐ shílì zúgòu de shíhòu, cái huì léitíng yī jī, yīguōduān. Shǒuxiān, dì yī céng yìsi, zhōngshàojūn fāpèi guófáng dàxiào zhè míngxiǎn shì biǎnchù, zhège háo wú yíwèn. Shí guānghuī cóng guìzhōu shěng wěi fù shūjì píng diào nèiménggǔ zìzhìqū fù shūjì. Yóuyú nèiménggǔ de tèshū xìng, shì zìzhìqū, zhǔxí xūyào ménggǔ zú dānrèn. Shí guānghuī hěn míngxiǎn bù fúhé zhège tiáojiàn, shí guānghuī yě bùshì shénme tèshū rén, méiyǒu bìxū yào wèile shí guānghuī, dǎpò duōnián de guànlì. Bù jǐnjǐn shì nèiménggǔ, hái yǒu xīnjiāng xīzàng níngxià guǎngxī. Kěyǐ shuō qiān yī fà ér dòng quánshēn. Jìrán bù kěnéng wéi le shí guānghuī dǎpò 5 gè zìzhìqū, duōnián lái de guànlì, tíbá yīgè fēi ménggǔ zú de guānyuán dānrèn nèiménggǔ de zhǔxí. Nà bǎ shí guānghuī fàng zài nèiménggǔ jiù hěn gāngà. Zhè jiùshì biǎnchù. Zhōngshàojūn yěshì yīyàng, nǎpà bǎ zhōngshàojūn píng diào zhànqū fù sīlìng huòzhě jūn zhōng fù sīlìng, huòzhě fù zhèngwěi, jiùshì píng diào dào yīgè wèilái kěyǐ jìnshēng shàng jiàng de zhíwèi. Nà hái néng shuō shì xíjìnpíng, wèile tíbá zhōngshàojūn, gěi zhōngshàojūn pūlù. Xiànzài guófáng dàxué yǐjīng jiànggé wèi fù zhànqū jí. Mòrèn zhèngwěi jiùshì zhōng jiàng. Gāopèi shàng jiàng, yībān jiù yào cóng bié de shàng jiàng zhíwèi tiáo guòqù, rúguǒ jǐn jǐn shì zhōng jiàng, xiǎng yào zài guófáng dàxué zhèngwěi de wèizǐ tíbá shàng jiàng, nà jiùshì pògé tíbá. Nándù jiù hěn dàle. Hé shí guānghuī wánquán kěyǐ zuò yīgè lèibǐ. Zhè jiùshì biǎnchù. Zhōngshàojūn xiànzài nòng dé hé shí guānghuī yīyàng, bù shàng bùxià, hěn gāngà. Shí guānghuī hái suàn bù shàng xíjìnpíng tuánduì de héxīn chéngyuán, dànshì zhōngshàojūn bù yīyàng, zhōngshàojūn shì suǒyǒu rén gōngrèn de xíjìnpíng zài jūnduì héxīn chéngyuán. Zhōngshàojūn hé miáo huá, shì xíjìnpíng zài jūnduì de zuǒbǎngyòubì. Xíjìnpíng xiànzài děngyú liǎng zhī gēbó bèi rén fèile, nà tā hái néng dǎjià ma? Jíbiàn fāngyǒngxiáng yěshì xíjìnpíng de rén, dànshì zhōngshàojūn bèi biǎnchù duìyú xíjìnpíng zài jūnduì de quánwēi yěshì yīcì zhòngdà dǎjí. Wǒmen zài kàn liǎng gè shìshí jiùxíng. Zhōngshàojūn shì 1968 nián chūshēng, xiànzài 56 suì, fāngyǒngxiáng shì 1966 nián chūshēng, xiànzài 58 suì. Zhōngshàojūn hái bǐfāngyǒngxiáng niánqīng 2 suì. Zhè míngxiǎn jiù bùshì xíjìnpíng de bùjú. Bùjú shì tíbá niánqīng guānyuán, nǎ li yǒuyòng niánjì dà de guānyuán, lái qǔdài niánqīng guānyuán dàolǐ. Gǎnjǐn dōushòu wǒ de tīng chuáng dìnglǜ dì 4 tiáo, xíjìnpíng cónglái bu zhuā zìjǐ rén, xíyuǎnpíng bù huì zìjǐ biǎnchù zhōngshàojūn. Bùshì xíjìnpíng nà kěndìng jiùshì hújǐntāo gàn de ya. Jiùshì hújǐntāo ràng lǐ xī hé zhāngshēngmín tiāntiān gěi xíjìnpíng sòng zhōngshàojūn de hēi cáiliào. Zhōngshàojūn de hēi cáiliào shì shénme, wǒ bù zhīdào. Shì bùshì zhōngshàojūn de érzǐ zhōngpéngyǔ ne? Zhōngpéngyǔ pǎo dào àodàlìyǎ wán qù, pǎo dào dàyáng lù. Shuō, zhè bù jiùshì lǚyóu, yòng dézháo zhème shàng gāng shàngxiàn ma? Guó’ān bù de chényīxīn tiāntiān gēn shénjīngbìng yīyàng zhuā jiàndié. Xiànzài jūnwěi bàngōng tīng zhǔrèn de érzǐ dōu pǎo dào àodàlìyǎ qùle. Guó’ān bù chá háishì bù chá. Zhōngguó zhèxiē guānyuán nǎge bù tān fǔ, nǎge bù fǔbài. Zhōngshàojūn tān fǔ de hēi cáiliào nándào shǎo ma? Lǐ xī bǎ zhōngshàojūn tān fǔ de hēi cáiliào dì dào xíjìnpíng bàngōng zhuō shàng. Nà ràng xíjìnpíng zěnme bàn ne? Zhǐ néng huī lèi zhǎn mǎsù. Fāng yǒng xiáng tìhuàn zhōngshàojūn míngxiǎn zàochéngle xíjìnpíng jūnlìng bù chàng dì sān, fāng yǒng xiáng tìhuàn zhōngshàojūn hěn míngxiǎn zàochéngle xíjìnpíng jūnlìng bù chàng. Wǒmen xiān lèibǐ yīxià zuìjìn de xīnwén. Jiānádà fù zǒnglǐ jiān cáizhèng bùzhǎng kèlǐsīdì yà·fú lǐ lán zài dānrèn gāi zhíwù chāoguò 4 nián hòu, yú 16 rì shàngwǔ túrán xuānbù cízhí. Cǐ jǔ fāshēng zài tā yuán dìng dàibiǎo tè lǔ duō zhèngfǔ xiàng guóhuì tíjiāo qiūjì jīngjì bàogào zhīqián shù xiǎoshí, yǐnfā cháoyě zhèndòng hé yúlùn huárán. Fú lǐ lán zài shèjiāo píngtái shàng gōngbùle zhì tè lǔ duō de cíchéng. Tā biǎoshì, tè lǔ duō shàng zhōu

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Is Zhong Shaojun’s son Zhong Pengyu an Australian spy? Hu Jintao’s choice of general secretary/premier for China, Li Keqiang’s henchman for his younger brother. Chen Jining is Xi Yuanping’s henchman, a candidate for Qincheng. The factional background of Shanxi CPPCC Chairman Wu Cunrong. Hello everyone, let’s continue with these three topics, Shanxi CPPCC Chairman Wu Cunrong, Shanghai Municipal Party Secretary Chen Jining, Hu Jintao’s choice of future general secretary or prime minister for China, Li Keqiang’s henchman for his younger brother. First of all, thank this netizen for his criticism. Congyang belongs to Anqing City, and was only assigned to Tongling City in 2016. I really didn’t know about the district adjustment. In fact, Congyang is written very clearly, and I didn’t read it at all. This is wrong, and I apologize to everyone. In fact, it’s the governor who wants to promote Wu Cunrong and arrange a prefecture-level city for him to raise his level. After the netizen’s guidance, Congyang County belongs to Anqing City instead of Tongling City, so it’s not Qian Minggao, the secretary of the Tongling Municipal Party Committee in 1997, but Chen Luxiang, the secretary of the Anqing Municipal Party Committee in 1997. There is information about Chen Luxiang. It is obvious that he is from Xi Jinping’s faction. Now it is clearer that he must be Xi Jinping’s man. Thank you to this netizen. There is no ready-made resume of Chen Luxiang on the Internet. There are only some sporadic news. But based on these news, it is enough to judge Chen Luxiang’s faction. I use the only information on the Internet to piece together Chen Luxiang’s resume for everyone. From January 1997 to October 2000, Chen Luxiang served as Secretary of the Anqing Municipal Party Committee. Before August 15, 2003, Chen Luxiang served as Deputy Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Commission for Discipline Inspection and Director of the Supervision Department. Before January 17, 2008, Chen Luxiang served as Deputy Head of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee Inspection Group. Before July 19, 2017, Chen Luxiang served as Executive Deputy Director of the Anhui Provincial Committee for Caring for the Next Generation. Just based on this information, it is enough to judge that Chen Luxiang, Secretary of the Anqing Municipal Party Committee of Anhui Province, is a henchman of the Xi Jinping faction. Because Chen Luxiang triggered the keyword of the Xi Jinping faction, the Committee for Caring for the Next Generation. Committee for Caring for the Next Generation. Li Bingjun, Zhu Rongji’s secretary for 21 years, was once Gu Xiulian’s secretary. Gu Xiulian is also from Nantong, Jiangsu Province. Gu Xiulian and Zhou Keren are from the same prefecture-level city. Gu Xiulian has been re-elected as the director of the Care for the Next Generation Committee for life, and has been re-elected for 16 years. Gu Xiulian is as greedy for power as Xi Jinping. As long as the three words Care for the Next Generation Committee are triggered, it is likely that they are from Xi Jinping’s faction. And my premonition is getting worse and worse. I feel that the Care for the Next Generation Committee is not that simple. Will it hide the same bad things that Xi Jinping, Zhu Rongji, Wang Qishan and Epstein did on that island? It’s really hard to say. Xi Jinping has no bottom line. The Communist Party has no bottom line and can do anything bad. I can’t expand on this. Now according to the 35-year-old ministerial level law, I will promote my bed listening method. Before Wu Cunrong was 35 years old, he met Anhui Governor Fu Xishou. Fu Xishou was Gu Mu’s man. Gu Mu promoted Jia Qinglin, and Jia Qinglin promoted Xi Jinping. This shows that Fu Xishou may know Xi Jinping or Chen Yun and Li Peng. In February 1999, 36-year-old Wu Cunrong was appointed as deputy director and member of the party group of Anhui Provincial Water Resources Department. The then Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee was Hui Liangyu (August 1998-December 1999), and the then Governor of Anhui was Wang Taihua (October 1998-January 2000). In July 2001, 38-year-old Wu Cunrong was appointed as director and party group secretary of Anhui Provincial Water Resources Department. The then Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee was Wang Taihua (January 2000-December 2004), and the then Governor of Anhui was Xu Zhonglin (January 2000-October 2002). Wu Cunrong was promoted to deputy bureau level and bureau level very quickly. When he was promoted to deputy director of the Water Resources Department, the Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee was Hui Liangyu, who was from Jiang Zemin’s faction. When Wu Cunrong was promoted to deputy director and director of the Water Resources Department, Wang Taihua was once the governor of Anhui Province and once the secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee. You can just guess that Wu Cunrong was promoted by Wang Taihua, and Wang Taihua is an official from the faction of Chen Yun and Xi Jinping. Before talking about Wang Taihua’s factional background, let me briefly sort out the faction of the secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee. There are a total of 20 secretaries of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee. If I say yes, then it is 99% accurate. If I say guess, it may be, then it is also 70% to 80% accurate. I won’t talk about what I don’t know. Zeng Xisheng is from the Deng Xiaoping faction. Zeng Xisheng is Deng Xiaoping’s diehard henchman. Li Desheng guessed that he was Mao Zedong’s man. Wan Li is from the Deng Xiaoping faction. Zhang Jinfu is from the Chen Yun faction. Zhang Jinfu must be emphasized, because if we talk about Chen Jining, we must talk about Tsinghua University. Zhang Jinfu’s younger brother Zhang Jian was the deputy secretary of the Party Committee of Tsinghua University in the early 1980s. At that time, the Party Secretary of Tsinghua University was Liu Da, who was Chen Yun’s secretary. Although Hu Jintao graduated from Tsinghua University, he promoted two people from Tsinghua University. And to be honest, these two people have little to do with Tsinghua University. One is Zhang Fusen, who was once the Minister of Justice. He was Hu Jintao’s classmate at Tsinghua University. The other is Yang Yongping, the current president of Lanzhou University, who is at the vice-ministerial level. He was also promoted after Hu Jintao regained power after the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee. Eighty to ninety percent of the vice-ministerial level officials can only be promoted by the general secretary or the prime minister. Yang Yongping, the president of Lanzhou University, was promoted by Xu Daping, the Party Secretary of North China Electric Power University. Hu Jintao was Xu Daping’s counselor at Tsinghua University. Except for Zhang Fusen and Yang Yongping, Hu Jintao has not promoted any officials at Tsinghua University. Maybe there are more, I don’t know. But there are definitely not many. So Tsinghua University is not Hu Jintao’s sphere of influence. Tsinghua University is mainly composed of Chen Yun, Xi Jinping and Zhu Rongji’s people. So, we should focus on Zhang Jinfu. Li Guixian is probably Jiang Zemin’s person. Lu Rongjing is from Chen Yun and Xi Jinping’s faction, Hui Liangyu is from Jiang Zemin’s faction, and Wang Taihua is from Chen Yun and Xi Jinping’s faction. Guo Jinlong is Hu Jintao’s person. Zhang Baoshun may be Hu Jintao’s person. Li Jinbin is from Chen Yun and Xi Jinping’s faction. Han Jun and Liang Yanshun may be Hu Jintao’s people. The 20 Anhui Provincial Party Committee Secretaries are probably like this. The second rule of the big bed listening bed is that there is no province with only one faction. There are many turtles in shallow water, and every province is complicated and full of intrigue. Saying that Anhui is the Anhui Gang is just as nonsense as the Shanghai Gang and the Fujian Gang. Let me find Wang Taihua’s faction for you. Wang Taihua’s chief secretary when he was the governor of Anhui Province was called Tian Weiqian. Tian Weiqian and Wang Taihua are not completely consistent. The governor at that time was Hui Liangyu, but the provincial party secretary at that time was Fu Xishou. Fu Xishou was from the Chen Yun and Xi Jinping faction. This shows that the political struggle in Anhui Province was very intense at that time. In 1998, it was the political struggle between Jiang Zemin and Li Peng and Zhu Rongji. It is impossible for the provincial party secretary to engage in political struggle with the provincial governor. It was all a struggle between the agents of the general secretary and the prime minister behind the scenes. Tian Weiqian once served as the secretary-general of the Wuhu Municipal Party Committee in Anhui Province. He was the chief secretary of Jin Tingbai, the then secretary of the Wuhu Municipal Party Committee. Jin Tingbai was the honorary director of the Wuhu Municipal Committee for the Care of the Aged and was also a member of the Committee for the Care of the Aged. Jin Tingbai knew Xiong Xianghui. Xiong Xianghui was a big spy and spy of the CCP. Xiong Xianghui’s boss was Zhou Enlai. Xi Jinping’s father Xi Zhongxun was Zhou Enlai’s chief secretary. So I said that there was no good person in the Committee for the Care of the Aged. It was quite evil. The evil of the Committee for the Care of the Aged was beyond our imagination. It was definitely more evil than Epstein’s island. Wu Cunrong later served as the mayor of Hefei, from the director of the Water Resources Department to the mayor of Hefei. Although the position of the mayor of Hefei was important, it was a horizontal transfer at the bureau level. The operation would be much less difficult. Wu Cunrong was promoted to the Standing Committee of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee, while Wu Bangguo was the Chairman of the National People’s Congress and the second member of the Political Bureau Standing Committee. When Wu Cunrong was the mayor of Hefei, he worked with Sun Jinlong, who was the Secretary of the Hefei Municipal Party Committee. Sun Jinlong may be a subordinate of Li Keqiang or a man of Hu Jintao. Guo Jinlong, the Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee at that time, was 100% a man of Hu Jintao. Now that Wu Cunrong has been arrested, it shows that Wu Cunrong, Guo Jinlong and Sun Jinlong had a lot of political struggles. There are reasons for being arrested. Guo Jinlong is a core member of Hu Jintao’s team. Wu Cunrong must have offended Guo Jinlong. Chen Jining is Xi Yuanping’s henchman and should live in Qincheng next year. The International Energy Conservation and Environmental Protection Association was established in November 2007. Xi Yuanping once served as the President of the International Energy Conservation and Environmental Protection Association. In order to cover up, the association was reorganized into the International Ecological Economic Association in 2014. The medicine has changed, the name has changed, the vest has changed, and the actual controller behind the scenes is still Xi Yuanping, who continues to embezzle and make money. Xi Yuanping found a white glove to be the chairman, named Hao Jiming. Hao Jiming should have been promoted by Fang Huijian, the former secretary of the Party Committee of Tsinghua University, who was promoted by Liu Da, Chen Yun’s secretary. Zhang Jian, the then deputy secretary of the Party Committee of Tsinghua University, was the younger brother of Zhang Jinfu. Zhang Jinfu was Chen Yun’s henchman and had served as the Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee and the Vice Premier of China. Hu Jintao did not promote anyone at Tsinghua University. Tsinghua University is basically a family bucket of Chen Yun, Xi Jinping and Zhu Rongji. Ding Xuexiang, these are all Xi Jinping’s iron henchmen. The big foreign propaganda also wants to whitewash Ding Xuexiang into Jiang’s faction. Ding Xuexiang has nothing to do with Jiang Zemin. The big foreign propaganda is whitewashing with Xi Jinping’s black money every day. In July 1999, at the recommendation of Hao Jiming, Chen Jining became the director of the Department of Environmental Engineering at Tsinghua University, succeeding Hao Jiming. Hao Jiming is Xi Yuanping’s white glove, Chen Jining is Xi Jinping’s staunch henchman, corrupt and abusive. Xi Jinping did not take the initiative to step down, but Hu Jintao drove him out of office. If Xi Jinping has the ability to pass the position of general secretary to his staunch henchman Chen Jining, why doesn’t Xi Jinping become the general secretary himself? This is a paradox. 51-year-old Lu Dongliang, secretary of the Datong Municipal Party Committee of Shanxi Province, was promoted to executive vice governor of Shanxi. Lu Dongliang is the henchman of Li Keqiang’s younger brother. This is the general secretary or prime minister arranged by Hu Jintao for the 22nd National Congress. At the very least, he is a member of the Politburo Standing Committee. Lu Dongliang is Li Keqiang’s man, all arranged by Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping has nothing to do with it at all. First of all, let’s answer this question, what kind of position can be promoted to governor. The possibility of the deputy secretary of the provincial party committee being promoted to governor is the greatest, but it is not certain. The latest is Wu Zhongqiong, deputy secretary of the Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee, who directly retreated to the second line. It may be Wu Bangguo’s henchman, Wu Bangguo, fearing the crime, left by himself. The henchman also went down. Let’s look at the sources of the current provincial governors. 17 governors were promoted from deputy secretaries of the provincial party committee, and 6 were promoted from secretaries of the municipal party committees of provincial capital cities or vice-provincial cities. 4 were promoted directly from executive vice governors to governors, 2 were promoted from chairmen of state-owned enterprises to governors, and 2 were transferred from ministerial-level positions to governors. This is just talk, and it is something from the Xi Jinping era. Hu Jintao’s habits may not be the same. For example, we need to find out how governors were promoted in 2008 or 2009. Maybe Hu Jintao liked to directly promote executive vice governors to provincial capitals. So I see some people say that executive vice governors are one of the few positions that can be directly promoted to governors, which is wrong. The municipal party committee secretaries of provincial capitals or vice-provincial cities can also be directly promoted to governors. With this basic knowledge, Lu Dongliang has a special status and he has a close relationship with Li Keqiang. If Hu Jintao directly promotes Lu Dongliang to governor of Shanxi within two years and then transfers him to another province to be the provincial party committee secretary. Then Lu Dongliang will almost certainly become a member of the Politburo Standing Committee. It is unknown whether he will become the general secretary or the prime minister. So Lu Dongliang has to continue to observe, and Xi Jinping has nothing to do. It is all Hu Jintao and Li Keqiang’s people who have taken office. This netizen said, please ask the blogger: Zhong Shaojun’s successor, if it is clear that Fang Yongxiang is the successor, Fang Yongxiang is from the 31st Army, Miao Hua’s base camp… My reply is that Fang Yongxiang can also be expanded, and the relationship between Fang Yongxiang and Miao Hua and Miao Hua’s father-in-law Ye Hanlin can be discussed. Hu Jintao arrested Li Shangfu, and the Minister of Defense Dong Jun who replaced him is still Xi Jinping’s man. Hu Jintao demoted Zhong Shaojun, and the director of the General Office of the Military Commission Fang Yongxiang who replaced him is still Xi Jinping’s man. Does this operation mean nothing? Obviously not. You can’t eat a fat man in one bite. These things are all step by step, and continue to strengthen your own strength bit by bit to attack the opponent’s strength. Steady and steady, in the end, when you feel that your strength is enough, you will strike with thunder and kill everything. First of all, the first meaning is that Zhong Shaojun was sent to the National Defense University Colonel, which is obviously a demotion. There is no doubt about this. Shi Guanghui was transferred from the deputy secretary of the Guizhou Provincial Party Committee to the deputy secretary of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. Due to the special nature of Inner Mongolia, it is an autonomous region and the chairman needs to be a Mongolian. Shi Guanghui obviously does not meet this condition. Shi Guanghui is not a special person. There is no need to break the long-standing convention for Shi Guanghui. Not only Inner Mongolia, but also Xinjiang, Tibet, Ningxia and Guangxi. It can be said that one move affects the whole body. Since it is impossible to break the long-standing convention of the five autonomous regions for Shi Guanghui and promote a non-Mongolian official to be the chairman of Inner Mongolia. It is very embarrassing to put Shi Guanghui in Inner Mongolia. This is demotion. The same is true for Zhong Shaojun. Even if Zhong Shaojun is transferred to the deputy commander of the theater or the deputy commander of the army, or the deputy political commissar, it is to be transferred to a position where he can be promoted to a general in the future. It can still be said that Xi Jinping is paving the way for Zhong Shaojun in order to promote him. Now the National Defense University has been downgraded to the deputy theater level. The default political commissar is a lieutenant general. To be promoted to a general, one must be transferred from another general position. If one is only a lieutenant general, and wants to be promoted to a general from the position of the political commissar of the National Defense University, it is an exceptional promotion. It is very difficult. It can be compared with Shi Guanghui. This is demotion. Zhong Shaojun is now in the same situation as Shi Guanghui, neither up nor down, which is very embarrassing. Shi Guanghui is not a core member of Xi Jinping’s team, but Zhong Shaojun is different. Zhong Shaojun is recognized by everyone as a core member of Xi Jinping in the army. Zhong Shaojun and Miao Hua are Xi Jinping’s right-hand men in the army. Xi Jinping is now equivalent to having both arms crippled, so can he still fight? Even if Fang Yongxiang is also Xi Jinping’s man, Zhong Shaojun’s demotion is also a major blow to Xi Jinping’s authority in the army. Let’s look at two more facts. Zhong Shaojun was born in 1968 and is now 56 years old. Fang Yongxiang was born in 1966 and is now 58 years old. Zhong Shaojun is 2 years younger than Fang Yongxiang. This is obviously not Xi Jinping’s layout. The layout is to promote young officials, there is no reason to use older officials to replace young officials. Hurry up and sell my fourth law of listening to the bed. Xi Jinping never arrests his own people. Xi Yuanping will not demote Zhong Shaojun himself. If it is not Xi Jinping, then it must be Hu Jintao. It was Hu Jintao who asked Li Xi and Zhang Shengmin to send Xi Jinping Zhong Shaojun’s black materials every day. I don’t know what Zhong Shaojun’s black materials are. Is it Zhong Shaojun’s son Zhong Pengyu? Zhong Pengyu went to Australia to play and went to the Great Ocean Road. He said, isn’t this just tourism? Is it necessary to make such a big deal? Chen Yixin of the Ministry of State Security is catching spies every day like a lunatic. Now the son of the director of the General Office of the Military Commission has gone to Australia. Will the Ministry of State Security investigate or not? Which of these Chinese officials is not corrupt? Is there not enough black materials on Zhong Shaojun’s corruption? Li Xi handed the black materials on Zhong Shaojun’s corruption to Xi Jinping’s desk. What should Xi Jinping do? He can only shed tears and execute Ma Su. Fang Yongxiang’s replacement of Zhong Shaojun obviously caused Xi Jinping’s military orders to be blocked Third, Fang Yongxiang’s replacement of Zhong Shaojun obviously caused Xi Jinping’s military orders to be blocked. Let’s first compare it with the recent news. Canadian Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland suddenly announced her resignation on the morning of the 16th after serving in the position for more than 4 years. This move occurred a few hours before she was scheduled to submit the autumn economic report to Parliament on behalf of the Trudeau government, causing shocks in the government and the public opinion. Freeland announced her resignation letter to Trudeau on the social platform. She said that Trudeau last week Five proposed that she take another position in the cabinet. After consideration, Freeland believes that “the only honest and viable path is to resign from the cabinet.”

Freeland admitted that she and Trudeau have recently disagreed on the best way forward for Canada. She believes that Canada faces the threat of “radical economic nationalism policies” promoted by the incoming Trump administration of the United States. This means that Canada needs to “reserve fiscal ammunition” to deal with the tariff war, “avoid costly political tricks”, and “sincerely and humbly” work with the executive leaders of Canada’s provinces and regions. She said it was this belief that drove her to work hard to manage government spending this fall. Freeland also said that she would continue to serve as a Liberal MP and seek to participate in the next election.

Freeland worked in the media in her early years and entered politics in 2013, and was elected as a member of the House of Representatives on behalf of the Liberal Party. After Trudeau led the Liberal Party to win power in the 2015 general election, Freeland was valued and served as Minister of International Trade, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs, and was appointed Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance in August 2020. Previously, she had always been a staunch supporter of Trudeau in public. Freeland was supposed to submit the 2024 Fall Economic Report to the House of Commons that afternoon. The report is seen as a supplement to the Canadian government’s annual fiscal budget and will also publish key economic data such as the latest deficit size. But this year the report was released relatively late. The House of Commons of Canada plans to end its fall session on December 17.

The fall economic report was submitted to the House of Commons by Gould, leader of the Liberal Party. Trudeau was absent from the parliamentary meeting. Dominic LeBlanc, Minister of Public Safety, Democratic Mechanisms and Interior Affairs of Canada, was appointed in time of crisis and was sworn in as Finance Minister that afternoon. He is the son of former Governor General Romeo LeBlanc and has been a good friend of Prime Minister Trudeau since childhood.

The Canadian government’s 2024 Fall Economic Report shows that the deficit in the 2023-2024 fiscal year has risen to 61.9 billion Canadian dollars. Freeland promised a year ago to keep the deficit in that fiscal year below 40 billion Canadian dollars. The report shows that the increased spending mainly comes from resolving indigenous claims and epidemic-related expenditures. The latest projected deficit for the 2024-2025 fiscal year is 48.3 billion Canadian dollars, while Freeland’s budget deficit this spring is 39.8 billion Canadian dollars. Polls in the past two years show that the popularity of Canadian Prime Minister Trudeau and the Liberal Party has been declining, and has fallen far behind its main opponent, the Conservative Party.

By comparison, you can find that as a democratic country, Canada, Trudeau’s core team member Freeland has caused much chaos, and many members of the Liberal Party of Trudeau’s own party have called for Trudeau to resign. It is conceivable that Xi Jinping’s military secretary, Zhong Shaojun, was demoted to an idle position, which caused much chaos to the Chinese army and Xi Jinping’s command of the Chinese army. The sudden departure of the core members of the team will definitely cause chaos. It’s just that the chaos in democratic countries is on the table, and we can see that the CCP is a black box. We have to observe hard to find clues.

Zhong Shaojun was already used well before, and now Fang Yongxiang has just come, and it will take two or three months for him to get familiar with the situation. On April 23, 2024, Xi Jinping visited the Army Medical University in Chongqing. CCTV footage showed that in addition to He Weidong, vice chairman of the Central Military Commission, he was accompanied by Lieutenant General Fang Yongxiang, who was once the deputy minister of the Ministry of Veterans Affairs. On April 23, 2024, Fang Yongxiang made his first public appearance as the director of the General Office of the Central Military Commission. On June 19, 2024, Hu Jintao took action and took down Xi Jinping’s generals and lieutenant generals in one go.

Hu Jintao found that Xi Jinping had no ability to fight back
This was a test. Hu Jintao found that Xi Jinping had no ability to fight back, and he could take Xi Jinping down before he could take him down. This is a process of accumulating strength and gradually reversing disadvantages, not a one-time deal. Taking down a pot is a one-shot deal, but accumulating strength is a gradual, step-by-step process of quantitative change to qualitative change. This is a process of slowly accumulating strength, but no one knows when enough energy will be accumulated. In terms of the basic base of the military, Hu Jintao is not strong enough to challenge Xi Jinping, and Jiang Zemin is not strong enough to challenge Xi Jinping. But Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin’s power in the military is tied together. It is enough to compete with Xi Jinping.

After Hu Jintao got Jiang Zemin’s support, his strength in the military was weaker than Xi Jinping but basically equal. In the army, his strength was stronger than Xi Jinping. Jiang Zemin’s strength was almost entirely in the army. Just like the example of Hua Guofeng I mentioned before, Jiang Senzhe also said that Hua Guofeng should balance between Deng Xiaoping and the Gang of Four. How is that possible? Don’t make the mistake of using the history of the past 50 years to say that the historical parties are stupid. The general secretary is, indeed, an ordinary person, who cannot foresee the future. However, if we were in the position of the general secretary, we might also be scared to pee our pants. Do you dare to take action? Do you dare to take action against the Gang of Four like Hua Guofeng? Do you dare to take action against Xi Jinping like Hu Jintao?

We should not think that our historical parties are smart. We don’t know many details. Now I tell you, Hu Jintao took action on June 19, 2024, so why didn’t Hu Jintao take action on April 19 or August 19? Even the parties involved in history cannot foresee the future, and Hu Jintao himself is afraid. Even Xi Jinping wants to kill Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping is afraid. Hu Jintao wants to kill Xi Jinping, and Hu Jintao is afraid. What will happen in the future, the parties involved in history, he will not know. Don’t use the history of the future to say to Hua Guofeng, look at you silly. Let me do it, I will definitely play better than you.

This kind of replay, the idea of ​​traveling back in time, is definitely wrong. In April 2024, Hu Jintao made a move on Xi Jinping’s military secretary Zhong Shaojun, tested it, and found that Xi Jinping had no ability to fight back. Only then did he have a bottom line in his heart, and dared to take action in June. Chenqiao Mutiny, wearing the yellow robe, was not Zhao Kuangyin arranging his subordinates to play a double act, nor was it just that his officers were ambitious and wanted to gain support. It was that the atmosphere was here. It was impossible not to take action. So I said that on June 19, 2024, the arrow was already on the string and had to be fired.

It was Hu Jintao’s officers who followed him and risked their lives. In the end, they found that they were strong enough to overthrow Xi Jinping. When they could reap the fruits, there was absolutely no reason not to take action. In the end, it was not Hu Jintao who wanted to overthrow Xi Jinping, or the generals who wanted to get promoted and make money. It was the collective will of Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin’s political group. It was impossible not to take action. After the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, 100 officials at the ministerial and deputy ministerial levels have been promoted. This is obviously not the political energy that Zhang Youxia can have.

Hu Jintao took down Xi Jinping’s generals and lieutenant generals in one go. If there were enough current and retired Politburo Standing Committee members to endorse this matter, plus the gun, who would dare to oppose it? Zhang Youxia is not even a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, so it is obvious that he does not have such political energy. Okay, thank you everyone.

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