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李微微背后陈云习近平和江泽民的政治斗争。李微微的升职器是谁？
大家好，这名网友很着急，要求说一下李微微，正部级。他说，又一个正部级李微微被公布落马，猜测可能是朱镕基派系的人。又说一边说一说刚落马的李微微。这名网友说，博主核心竞争力直接让大外宣红温，破防。
李微微这个特别好，就是彻底颠覆大外宣话题体系的一个案例。我们首先对湖南省委书记的派系，做一个大致的了解。
首先最特殊的就是华国锋。华国锋是正经中国第二代领导人，两层意思，第一邓小平也是历史虚无主义，妄图把华国锋从中共党史抹掉。这是邓小平很不要脸的是一件事情。
虽然我很看不起毛泽东，对华国锋继承毛泽东路线也不屑一顾。但是，华国锋的路线再不正确，他也是一代中共的头目，从军委主席上说，正经应该是毛华邓江胡习6代。华国锋干的坏事比毛泽东少多了，毛泽东再罪恶滔天，他也是中共第一代头目。不能假装他不存在，毕竟华国锋当了4年半的军委主席呢。
华国锋肯定不是邓小平弄死的
第二层意思就是华国锋肯定不是邓小平弄死的。邓小平死了，华国锋又活了11年半，这一点上邓小平倒是没有任何嫌疑。邓小平批判华国锋也没有错，但不能假装华国锋在中共党史上不存在啊。这特么太孙子了。
然后毛致用，应该是华国锋提拔的。毛致用退休后养鸡给江泽民送鸡蛋，应该说明毛致用和江泽民是一个派系的。
熊清泉是陈云提拔的。熊清泉是朱镕基的中学同学。熊清泉的秘书邓立佳2025年1月9日刚刚被抓了。熊清泉这个不用过多的分析，陈云当上中顾委主任之后，半年熊清泉担任湖南省委书记，从时间线上就很明显了。
王茂林，是陈云派系的。薄熙来的老爸薄一波1991年左右除了一本书，《七十年的回顾与思考》。王茂林给了30万，山西省给了30万。王茂林原来就是山西的官员。山西是薄一波的大本营。我们看王茂林担任湖南省委书记的时间，陈云已经不是中顾委主任。不是中顾委主任，陈云也掌权。
1987年11月陈云担任中顾委主任
1994年5月25日陈云因为肺炎住进北京医院，此后再也未能出院
1995年4月10日，死亡
陈云应该住进北京医院不久就成为了植物人。
也就是说，从1987年到1994年，虽然邓小平是中国的一把手，但是邓小平主要是掌握军队。地方官员主要是陈云的发言权比较大。
王茂林后面这个杨正午就是江泽民的人。很简单就看时间线就行了，1998年10月，这时候陈云死了，邓小平也死了。胡锦涛只是排名第六政治局常委，就是江泽民说了算。后面的张春贤可能也是江泽民的人。
周强是习近平的人，不是胡锦涛的人，周强是肖扬的秘书，肖扬在广东清远是习仲勋的下属。
徐守盛不清楚，
杜家毫应该是习近平派系的
许达哲是习近平的人已经抓了。
张庆伟也不清楚
沈晓明是江泽民的人。
我们看湖南，没什么邓小平或者胡锦涛的人。不说省委书记，就是湖南省委常委，最明显的就是肖捷，李克强的大秘，其他没什么胡锦涛的人。也就是说湖南官场，主要是江泽民的人和陈云的在进行政治斗争。我们看第九届湖南省委常委，只有肖捷，其他人我不知道哪个人是胡锦涛的人，没有啊。郭开朗还是江泽民的秘书呢。
李微微背后就是王茂林和杨正午的政治斗争
李微微背后就是王茂林和杨正午的政治斗争，王茂林背后就是薄一波，陈云，朱镕基，杨正午背后就是江泽民。就是中央三个总书记江泽民胡锦涛习近平的政治斗争在地方的映射。总书记的代理人，在地方的政治斗争。湖南没有太多的邓小平的势力，就是江泽民和陈云的斗争。江泽民为什么要和邓小平斗，为什么要和陈云斗，江泽民就是从邓小平陈云手里接过的政权啊，邓小平陈云就是江泽民的两个婆婆。江泽民要想掌权，就必须从两个婆婆手里争夺权力啊。
1983年7月至1985年12月，25岁的李微微任共青团湖南省株洲市委副书记。当时的株洲市委书记是孙文盛（1983年5月 – 1984年7月）。曹伯纯(1983年5月 – 1984年6月）是湖南省株洲市委副书记兼宣传部部长。孙文盛在株洲冶炼厂是陈云马仔冶金工业部的李东冶提拔，冶金工业部的第一任部长王鹤寿是陈云的政治秘书，第二任部长吕东也是陈云马仔。冶金工业部的副部长是袁宝华。吕东和袁宝华提拔的朱镕基，朱镕基给吕东写过纪念文章。李东冶原名令狐俊文。李东冶的儿子令狐安担任云南省委书记时期，秦光荣担任云南政法委书记。秦光荣曾经陪薄熙来在云南喂鸽子。令狐安曾经是罗干的秘书。罗干是陈云马仔李鹏的亲信。黄光裕的后台就是罗干，罗干是胡锦涛最恨的人。令狐安的秘书就是现在的西藏书记王君正。
黄光裕被抓之后，给看守两张纸条
黄光裕被抓之后，给看守两张纸条。黄光裕说请把第一个纸条送给罗干的儿子。然后去第二条纸条上面的地址去拿人民币50万。1986年至1990年12月，28岁的李微微任共青团湖南省株洲市委书记。当时的株洲市委书记是曹伯纯（1984年7月 – 1990年5月），后来曹伯纯1992年6月 – 1995年3月担任大连市委书记和薄一波的儿子薄熙来 (1992年8月 – 2000年8月)搭档。
陈云的马仔吕东担任第三机械工业部部长期间提拔的国营三三一厂的曹伯纯。曹伯纯担任大连市委书记的时候是1992年6月，当时薄一波还是中顾委第一副主任。陈云是中顾委主任。4个月后，1992年10月18日中顾委才解散。薄一波不可能派一个官员去跟自己儿子薄熙来去做对。
1990年12月至1995年6月，32岁的李微微任共青团湖南省委副书记。当时的湖南省委书记是熊清泉。熊清泉是朱镕基的中学同学，熊清泉的秘书邓立佳2025年1月9日抓了。
我们看李微微1990年就已经是副局级了，共青团湖南省委副书记就是副局级。一直到了2003年中国贸促会湖南分会，升任了正局级。从副局级到正局级用了整整13年。这么长时间为什么呢？那肯定是有一个人在打压李微微，那这个人是谁呢？
大家看，李微微为什么正局级一直上不去。李微微换了3个职位，都是副局级，一直压着就不让提拔正局级，最后在贸促会解决了正局级。我不知道2000年4月李微微这个贸促会会长，党组副书记是正局级还是副局级。后来2003年4月会长，兼党组书记应该是正局级。
为什么这么费劲呢？我们看，王茂林提拔李微微，杨正午打压李微微。王茂林是省委书记，杨正午是省长，王茂林是一把手，杨正午是二把手。为什么杨正午这个二把手，比一把手还牛呢？
就是这时间1995年6月，陈云1995年4月死了。王茂林在中央的后台死了，虽然当时的总理李鹏还在。因为陈云活着的时候，陈云比江泽民牛，陈云死了之后，江泽民权力比李鹏大。所以杨正午以省长力压省委书记王茂林，就不让提拔李微微。
为什么是王茂林提拔，杨正午打压呢？因为后来王茂林离开湖南，杨正午升任省委书记。杨正午升任省委书记的时候是1998年，邓小平也死了，邓小平1997年死的。如果杨正午提拔李微微，那李微微就不用去贸促会了。
王茂林是贸促会的名誉会长
而且，最关键的梗，就是这一句话：1998年6月1日-2日湖南省贸促会第三届委员会议、湖南国际商会第一次会员代表大会召开。选举王茂林等5人任湖南省贸促会、湖南国际商会名誉会长，刘正等7人任湖南省贸促会、湖南国际商会特邀顾问。
王茂林是贸促会的名誉会长。因为李微微先是党组副书记后来是党组书记。我们就按照后面的时间来说事儿。为什么2003年4月，湖南省委书记还是杨正午，但是李微微可以晋升？这不是很明显嘛？2003年4月，江泽民把总书记和国家主席交给了胡锦涛。也就是说就是这么神奇，1995年因为陈云死了，杨正午省长可以力压省委书记王茂林。而2003年因为江泽民从总书记退休了。杨正午省委书记压不住省长张云川。张云川是习近平，就是张云川提拔的习近平军工系人。最近抓的军工系好多人可以追溯到张云川头上。
而这个储波呢，后来是内蒙古的书记。储波大概率是习近平的人，我不太确定。就习近平找来的那个大外宣天天黑胡春华。他啥都不懂，连呼伦贝尔盟以前不属于内蒙古而是划给了东北都不知道。这个储波是习近平的人，所以，储波提拔的人也是习近平的人。也就是说内蒙古抓的官员好多其实是习近平的人，那个大外宣什么都不懂。
胡锦涛最恨薄熙来
李微微2003年4月，江泽民从总书记退休，因而升任正局级，在贸促会升任正局级。为什么李微微不能是胡锦涛的人呢？因为湖南贸促会名誉会长王茂林是薄一波的马仔啊。胡锦涛最恨薄熙来。虽然2003年，胡锦涛可以还没有开始恨薄熙来，但是胡锦涛和薄熙来本来就不是一个派系的。
所以李微微这是一个铁证，不仅仅是胡锦涛讨厌薄熙来，江泽民和薄熙来他爸，薄一波也不对付。之前我说过薄一波和提拔江泽民的余秋里关系就不好，有矛盾。李微微这个案例证明江泽民本人和薄熙来这个派系也有矛盾。
好的，谢谢大家。
英文翻译
The political struggle between Chen Yun, Xi Jinping and Jiang Zemin behind Li Weiwei. Who is Li Weiwei’s promotion tool?
Hello everyone, this netizen is very anxious and asked to talk about Li Weiwei, who is at the ministerial level. He said that another ministerial-level Li Weiwei was announced to have fallen, and it is speculated that he may be from Zhu Rongji’s faction. He also talked about Li Weiwei who had just fallen. This netizen said that the core competitiveness of the blogger directly made the big foreign propaganda red and warm, breaking the defense.
Li Weiwei is particularly good, which is a case of completely subverting the big foreign propaganda topic system. Let’s first have a general understanding of the faction of the Secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee.
First of all, the most special one is Hua Guofeng. Hua Guofeng is a serious second-generation leader of China, with two meanings. First, Deng Xiaoping is also a historical nihilist, trying to erase Hua Guofeng from the history of the Communist Party of China. This is a very shameless thing for Deng Xiaoping.
Although I look down on Mao Zedong, I also disdain Hua Guofeng’s inheritance of Mao Zedong’s line. However, no matter how wrong Hua Guofeng’s line was, he was still a leader of the CCP. In terms of the chairmanship of the Military Commission, it should be the six generations of Mao, Hua, Deng, Jiang, Hu and Xi. Hua Guofeng did much less bad things than Mao Zedong. No matter how evil Mao Zedong was, he was still the first generation of the CCP. We can’t pretend that he didn’t exist, after all, Hua Guofeng was the chairman of the Military Commission for 4 and a half years.
Hua Guofeng was definitely not killed by Deng Xiaoping
The second meaning is that Hua Guofeng was definitely not killed by Deng Xiaoping. Deng Xiaoping died, and Hua Guofeng lived for another 11 and a half years. Deng Xiaoping was not suspected of anything on this point. Deng Xiaoping was not wrong to criticize Hua Guofeng, but we can’t pretend that Hua Guofeng didn’t exist in the history of the CCP. This is too grandson.
Then Mao Zhiyong should have been promoted by Hua Guofeng. After Mao Zhiyong retired, he raised chickens and sent eggs to Jiang Zemin, which should show that Mao Zhiyong and Jiang Zemin were from the same faction.
Xiong Qingquan was promoted by Chen Yun. Xiong Qingquan was Zhu Rongji’s middle school classmate. Xiong Qingquan’s secretary Deng Lijia was just arrested on January 9, 2025. There is no need to analyze Xiong Qingquan too much. After Chen Yun became the director of the Central Advisory Commission, Xiong Qingquan became the Secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee half a year later. It is very obvious from the timeline.
Wang Maolin is from Chen Yun’s faction. Bo Xilai’s father Bo Yibo gave a book around 1991, “Review and Reflection of 70 Years”. Wang Maolin gave 300,000 yuan, and Shanxi Province gave 300,000 yuan. Wang Maolin was originally an official in Shanxi. Shanxi is Bo Yibo’s base camp. When we look at the time when Wang Maolin served as the Secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee, Chen Yun was no longer the Director of the Central Advisory Commission. Even when he was not the Director of the Central Advisory Commission, Chen Yun was still in power.
In November 1987, Chen Yun served as the director of the Central Advisory Commission. On May 25, 1994, Chen Yun was admitted to a Beijing hospital due to pneumonia and never left the hospital again. On April 10, 1995, he died. Chen Yun should have become a vegetable shortly after he was admitted to a Beijing hospital. In other words, from 1987 to 1994, although Deng Xiaoping was the top leader of China, he mainly controlled the military. Chen Yun had a bigger say in local officials. Yang Zhengwu behind Wang Maolin was Jiang Zemin’s man. It’s very simple to look at the timeline. In October 1998, Chen Yun died and Deng Xiaoping also died. Hu Jintao was only ranked sixth in the Politburo Standing Committee, and Jiang Zemin had the final say. Zhang Chunxian behind him may also be Jiang Zemin’s man. Zhou Qiang is Xi Jinping’s man, not Hu Jintao’s man. Zhou Qiang is Xiao Yang’s secretary, and Xiao Yang is Xi Zhongxun’s subordinate in Qingyuan, Guangdong. Xu Shousheng is not clear.
Du Jiahao should be from Xi Jinping’s faction.
Xu Dazhe is Xi Jinping’s man and has been arrested.
Zhang Qingwei is not clear either.
Shen Xiaoming is Jiang Zemin’s man.
If we look at Hunan, there are no people of Deng Xiaoping or Hu Jintao. Not to mention the provincial party secretary, the most obvious one among the Hunan Provincial Party Committee Standing Committee is Xiao Jie, Li Keqiang’s chief secretary. There are no other people of Hu Jintao. In other words, the political struggle between Jiang Zemin’s people and Chen Yun’s people is mainly going on in the Hunan officialdom. If we look at the ninth Hunan Provincial Party Committee Standing Committee, there is only Xiao Jie. I don’t know which of the others is Hu Jintao’s man. There is none. Guo Kailang is still Jiang Zemin’s secretary.
Behind Li Weiwei is the political struggle between Wang Maolin and Yang Zhengwu. Behind Li Weiwei is the political struggle between Wang Maolin and Yang Zhengwu. Behind Wang Maolin is Bo Yibo, Chen Yun, Zhu Rongji, and behind Yang Zhengwu is Jiang Zemin. It is the reflection of the political struggle between the three general secretaries of the Central Committee, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping, in the local areas. The general secretary’s agent is in the local political struggle. There is not much Deng Xiaoping’s influence in Hunan, it is the struggle between Jiang Zemin and Chen Yun. Why did Jiang Zemin fight with Deng Xiaoping, why did he fight with Chen Yun? Jiang Zemin took over the power from Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun, and Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun were Jiang Zemin’s two mothers-in-law. If Jiang Zemin wants to be in power, he must fight for power from the two mothers-in-law.
From July 1983 to December 1985, 25-year-old Li Weiwei served as deputy secretary of the Communist Youth League of Zhuzhou City, Hunan Province. The secretary of Zhuzhou Municipal Party Committee at that time was Sun Wensheng (May 1983-July 1984). Cao Bochun (May 1983-June 1984) was the deputy secretary of the Zhuzhou Municipal Party Committee of Hunan Province and the Minister of Propaganda. Sun Wensheng was promoted by Li Dongye, a henchman of Chen Yun’s Ministry of Metallurgical Industry, at the Zhuzhou Smelter. The first minister of the Ministry of Metallurgical Industry, Wang Heshou, was Chen Yun’s political secretary, and the second minister, Lu Dong, was also a henchman of Chen Yun. The vice minister of the Ministry of Metallurgical Industry was Yuan Baohua. Zhu Rongji, who was promoted by Lü Dong and Yuan Baohua, wrote a memorial article for Lü Dong. Li Dongye’s original name was Linghu Junwen. When Li Dongye’s son Linghu An was the secretary of the Yunnan Provincial Party Committee, Qin Guangrong was the secretary of the Yunnan Political and Legal Committee. Qin Guangrong once accompanied Bo Xilai to feed pigeons in Yunnan. Linghu An was once Luo Gan’s secretary. Luo Gan was a close confidant of Chen Yun’s henchman Li Peng. Huang Guangyu’s backer was Luo Gan, who was the person Hu Jintao hated the most. Linghu An’s secretary was the current Tibet Secretary Wang Junzheng.
After Huang Guangyu was arrested, he gave the guards two notes
After Huang Guangyu was arrested, he gave the guards two notes. Huang Guangyu said please give the first note to Luo Gan’s son. Then go to the address on the second note to get RMB 500,000. From 1986 to December 1990, 28-year-old Li Weiwei served as the secretary of the Communist Youth League of Zhuzhou City, Hunan Province. The then Zhuzhou Party Secretary was Cao Bochun (July 1984 – May 1990), who later served as Dalian Party Secretary from June 1992 to March 1995 and worked with Bo Yibo’s son Bo Xilai (August 1992 – August 2000).
Cao Bochun, who worked at the state-owned 331 Factory, was promoted by Chen Yun’s henchman Lu Dong when he was the Minister of the Third Machinery Industry Ministry. Cao Bochun served as Dalian Party Secretary in June 1992, when Bo Yibo was still the first deputy director of the Central Advisory Commission. Chen Yun was the director of the Central Advisory Commission. Four months later, on October 18, 1992, the Central Advisory Commission was dissolved. Bo Yibo could not have sent an official to go against his son Bo Xilai.
From December 1990 to June 1995, 32-year-old Li Weiwei served as deputy secretary of the Hunan Provincial Committee of the Communist Youth League. The then Hunan Provincial Party Secretary was Xiong Qingquan. Xiong Qingquan was Zhu Rongji’s middle school classmate. Xiong Qingquan’s secretary Deng Lijia was arrested on January 9, 2025.
Let’s see that Li Weiwei was already at the deputy bureau level in 1990. The deputy secretary of the Hunan Provincial Committee of the Communist Youth League was at the deputy bureau level. It was not until 2003 that she was promoted to the bureau level in the Hunan Branch of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade. It took a full 13 years from the deputy bureau level to the bureau level. Why did it take so long? There must be someone suppressing Li Weiwei. Who is this person?
Everyone, why can’t Li Weiwei be promoted to the bureau level? Li Weiwei changed 3 positions, all of which were deputy bureau levels. She was suppressed and not allowed to be promoted to the bureau level. Finally, she solved the bureau level in the Council for the Promotion of International Trade. I don’t know whether Li Weiwei, the president of the Council for the Promotion of International Trade and the deputy secretary of the party group, was at the bureau level or the deputy bureau level in April 2000. Later, in April 2003, the president and concurrent party group secretary should be at the bureau level.
Why is it so difficult? Let’s see, Wang Maolin promoted Li Weiwei, while Yang Zhengwu suppressed Li Weiwei. Wang Maolin was the provincial party secretary, Yang Zhengwu was the governor, Wang Maolin was the top leader, and Yang Zhengwu was the second-in-command. Why was Yang Zhengwu, the second-in-command, more powerful than the top leader?
It was in June 1995, and Chen Yun died in April 1995. Wang Maolin died behind the scenes of the central government, although the then Prime Minister Li Peng was still there. Because when Chen Yun was alive, Chen Yun was more powerful than Jiang Zemin, and after Chen Yun died, Jiang Zemin had more power than Li Peng. So Yang Zhengwu used the governor to suppress the provincial party secretary Wang Maolin and prevented Li Weiwei from being promoted.
Why was Wang Maolin promoted and Yang Zhengwu suppressed? Because later Wang Maolin left Hunan, and Yang Zhengwu was promoted to the provincial party secretary. When Yang Zhengwu was promoted to the provincial party secretary in 1998, Deng Xiaoping also died, and Deng Xiaoping died in 1997. If Yang Zhengwu promoted Li Weiwei, then Li Weiwei would not have to go to the Council for the Promotion of International Trade.
Wang Maolin is the Honorary President of CCPIT
Moreover, the most crucial part is this sentence: On June 1-2, 1998, the Third Committee Meeting of Hunan CCPIT and the First Member Representative Conference of Hunan International Chamber of Commerce were held. Wang Maolin and five others were elected as Honorary Presidents of Hunan CCPIT and Hunan International Chamber of Commerce, and Liu Zheng and seven others were elected as Special Consultants of Hunan CCPIT and Hunan International Chamber of Commerce.
Wang Maolin is the Honorary President of CCPIT. Because Li Weiwei was first the Deputy Secretary of the Party Group and later the Secretary of the Party Group. Let’s talk about the matter according to the later time. Why was Yang Zhengwu still the Secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee in April 2003, but Li Weiwei could be promoted? Isn’t this obvious? In April 2003, Jiang Zemin handed over the General Secretary and the President to Hu Jintao. In other words, it is so magical that in 1995, because Chen Yun died, Governor Yang Zhengwu could overpower the Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee Wang Maolin. And in 2003, because Jiang Zemin retired from the position of General Secretary. Yang Zhengwu, the provincial party secretary, could not suppress the governor Zhang Yunchuan. Zhang Yunchuan is Xi Jinping, and it was Xi Jinping’s military industry people who were promoted by Zhang Yunchuan. Many people in the military industry who were arrested recently can be traced back to Zhang Yunchuan.
And this Chu Bo, later became the secretary of Inner Mongolia. Chu Bo is most likely Xi Jinping’s man, but I’m not sure. The big foreign propaganda that Xi Jinping hired slanders Hu Chunhua every day. He knows nothing, and he doesn’t even know that Hulunbuir League did not belong to Inner Mongolia before but was assigned to the Northeast. This Chu Bo is Xi Jinping’s man, so the people promoted by Chu Bo are also Xi Jinping’s people. In other words, many officials arrested in Inner Mongolia are actually Xi Jinping’s people, and the big foreign propaganda knows nothing.
Hu Jintao hates Bo Xilai the most
Li Weiwei In April 2003, Jiang Zemin retired as general secretary, so he was promoted to the bureau level, and was promoted to the bureau level in the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade. Why can’t Li Weiwei be Hu Jintao’s man? Because Wang Maolin, the honorary president of the Hunan Council for the Promotion of International Trade, is Bo Yibo’s henchman. Hu Jintao hates Bo Xilai the most. Although Hu Jintao may not have started to hate Bo Xilai in 2003, Hu Jintao and Bo Xilai were not from the same faction.
So Li Weiwei is an ironclad proof that it is not just Hu Jintao who hates Bo Xilai, Jiang Zemin and Bo Xilai’s father, Bo Yibo, also don’t get along. I mentioned before that Bo Yibo and Yu Qiuli, who promoted Jiang Zemin, had a bad relationship and conflicts. Li Weiwei’s case proves that Jiang Zemin himself also had conflicts with Bo Xilai’s faction.
OK, thank you everyone.