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李微微是如何认识习近平的？有一腿？彭丽媛大闹中南海，赌气躲到美国纽约一年。何卫东再度缺席，到底是否么时间落马？
大家好，李微微还得深挖。也不是说，先射箭再画靶子，或者说这捡到枪了，发现了铁证了。不是说李微微这么点事儿。而是触及到了问题的核心。总书记的问题，中国独裁问题就是总书记，什么事情，扯不到总书记身上那就是不痛不痒。就要直指问题的核心，江泽民胡锦涛习包子。就盯住这三个人，抓住这三个人。
就是要把他们干的坏事，全给翻腾出来，全给扒拉出来，什么黑锅都得让他们三个人背上，这才算完。不然就是洗地。就是什么都必须是习包子干的。什么皇上是好的，都是下面的太监把经念歪了。皇上就是最坏的。
我也没想到三大派系理论的鲁棒性这么强
我可以跟大家说实话，我把划成三个派系，就是受驴说人事的启发，加上我对中国政治理解，灵机一动。
把江泽民胡锦涛习包子划成三个派系。我也没有想到三大派系这个理论的鲁棒性这么强。其实江胡习属于三个派系也不是我独创的观点。很多人也认同这个观点。三个筐这个框架是没错的。
就是具体每个正部级，副国级，正国级，具体到每一个人，到底属于哪个派系。这个需要一个一个捋明白拿出证据来，让人无话可说的证据。
李微微最早2024年7月30号我就说了，李微微是薄熙来余党。当时的分析并没有错。但是当时发现的证据还是主要围绕李微微本人。李微微算老几，谁认识李微微是谁啊？现在问题的关键就是昨天我挖出来的这个证据，直接捅到了江泽民的身上，捅到了薄熙来他老爸薄一波身上。
涉及到江泽民和陈云的政治斗争。涉及到总书记的内斗这才是问题的核心。一把手和二把手的政治斗争这才是问题的核心。
习近平和李克强的政治斗争，习近平和李强的政治斗争。或者说两代总书记胡锦涛和习近平的政治斗争，这才是问题的核心。陈云既不是总书记，也不是总理。但是陈云是真正的教父，是中共的二号人物。说白了就是江泽民在斗陈云，下一代的一把手和上一代的二把手之间的政治斗争。这才够分量，李微微，谁认识李微微是谁啊?
李微微挖出来证据完美的支撑了我的论述框架。就是李微微从1990年共青团湖南省委副书记，到2003贸促会湖南分会会长，党组书记，副局级到正局级被打压了13年。然后我们挖出来，贸促会湖南分会的名誉会长不是别人正是王茂林。也就是说，李微微在杨正午的打压之下，一直上不去。最后王茂林给安排到贸促会解决正局级。
王茂林正是杨正午前任的湖南省委书记。而且李微微完美的卡上了两代中共一号二号人物的时间线。不能归结为巧合吧，李微微1990年升任副局级之后1995年王茂林把她平调到怀化市担任行署副专员，正是陈云死了之后两个月。王茂林在中央的后台轰然倒台。
形势逆转，虽然王茂林的后台李鹏还在，但是陈云一死李鹏根本就压不住江泽民啊。到了2003年4月，李微微升任贸促会湖南分会的会长。刚好是江泽民把总书记和国家主席交给胡锦涛的时间。
李微微的时间线也太神奇了
李微微的时间线也太神奇了，陈云一死，李微微就上不去。江泽民一退休，李微微就上去了。卡得太准了。那么这个李微微这么重要的人物，不能这么轻易放过。肯定有大瓜，有大梗。李薇薇怎么认识习近平对不对。还是要给大家挖出来，让大外宣小粉红无话可说的铁证。
习近平的东北辽宁之行，看似将在北部战区终结，不过，在北部战区习近平接见了一群充分甄别筛选出来的兵丁“士卒”。惯例的接见中，军委副主席张又侠陪同，何卫东不见身影。习近平“通过视讯连线看望基层官兵”更是令人“叫绝”。
2025年1月25日，大裤衩新闻联播，只此一份的影片报导中可见，习近平24日到北部战区机关视察慰问。但并未像东北多地访问那样，在村里看锅头，在集市看人头，在市场玩噱头，而是“通过视讯连线看望基层官兵”，透过冰凉的屏幕“检查部队战备值班和执行任务情况”。
其实三中全会之后，何卫东就处在一个不正常的状态之后，经常是应该出席的场合，他不出席。大家以为何卫东马上要抓了，他又出来打这个卡。
何卫东到底能支撑多久没人知道
何卫东就曾长期在南京军区第31集团军服役，曾任31军侦察处长、31集团军参谋长、31集团军副军长
包括31军的乃至海军陆军将领升迁的政治部主任苗华落马后，引发的大地震，涵括了被免职，去向不明的前陆军政委秦树桐；公开场合失联的传被免职的陆军司令员李桥铭、海军政委袁华智、武警司令员王春宁。31军是习近平嫡系部队。31军出身的将领基本被团灭。也就是说，习近平的基本盘已经被砸烂了。
习近平在四中全会之前还经常出来就是在维稳。没到最后摊牌的时候的。何卫东应该是在家过得最后一个春节了，明年春节应该就是在秦城和苗华团聚了。军委委员的级别，在秦城马上就能凑一桌麻将了。
李微微在湖南省杨正午不让她晋升正局级。最后王茂林想出的办法，把李微微安排到贸促会。大家看，全称是中国贸易促进会湖南省分会。既然是分会，我们自然就要看一下总会是谁啊？中国贸促会是谁啊。
大家想李微微既然是薄熙来老爸薄一波的马仔王茂林提拔的。那么薄熙来为什么去商务部当部长，他不去别的部呢？按照我对这些没本事的红二代尿性的理解。薄熙来之所以去商务部，那必然是商务部有他老爸薄一波的势力在。薄一波以前在商务部有马仔，才会安排薄熙来去商务部。
大家一看贸促会的名字，顾名思义，贸促会和商务部。那必须是对口单位，近亲单位，关联单位。
当时中国贸促会的会长叫做俞晓松这又捅开习近平的全家桶了。现在就是俞晓松担任中国贸促会会长期间，李微微升任中国贸促会湖南省分会的会长。他们到底是不是垂直管理的，我不知道。但是至少是业务指导的关系。顾名思义，分会。俞晓松是中国总会长，李微微是分会长。
一打开俞晓松的简历，这就元素过多了。生于山东青岛，祖籍浙江杭州。王岐山就是青岛人，16岁之前生活在青岛。习近平曾经担任浙江书记，杭州工作。一上来习近平的元素就堆满了。
1988年8月12日，51岁的俞晓松任北京市政府副秘书长。
1991年6月，54岁的俞晓松任对外经济贸易部党组成员、部长助理。
1997年10月，60岁的俞晓松任中国贸促会、中国国际商会会长。
我们看俞晓松60岁退休的年龄去了中国贸促会担任会长，说明贸促会的确是退休的岗位。李微微如果不是被打压，不会去贸促会的。
俞晓松担任北京市政府副秘书长，他给谁担任大秘呢？给当时的北京市副市长何鲁丽。何鲁丽我们在天津大学党委书记刘建平案例里面说过何鲁丽是习仲勋提拔的。何鲁丽1988年担任北京市副市长，当时，习仲勋担任中央书记处书记主管统战工作。
我说的没错吧，这里，我们又找到习仲勋头上了。
我们看看何鲁丽和俞晓松的关系，和陈昊苏的关系。陈昊苏是陈毅第三个老婆张茜的大儿子，陈小鲁是三儿子。共匪就是共产共妻，都是好多个老婆，一百个老婆。习仲勋就是重婚罪犯，齐心就是小三上位。陈毅100个老婆，要不然习仲勋和陈毅怎么能是一家人呢？
所以我反复说，习近平的主线剧情是陈毅，谷牧，贾庆林，习近平。苗华在陈毅这条线上，枪杆子在陈毅这里。李微微，还在陈毅这里。就是陈毅的政治势力帮助习近平终身连任的。中国人死都不知道怎么死的，被大外宣忽悠傻了。
我们看俞晓松，何鲁丽，陈昊苏三个人是什么关系？捅开习近平的全家桶。
1996年，民革中央主席李沛瑶去世。当时陆宇澄和何鲁丽同为北京市副市长，陆宇澄记得自己去了隔壁何鲁丽的办公室，对何鲁丽谈到自己的预测：何鲁丽很快就要成为国家领导人了。
陆宇澄与何鲁丽1988年一同任命北京市副市长
1996年，何鲁丽果然成为民革中央主席，同年成为全国政协副主席，1998年任全国人大常委会副委员长。
我给大家解读一下，中国记者不会说真话的。
1996年李鹏是总理，名义上二把手，陈云已经死了，邓小平也快了。江泽民是总书记李鹏是总理。李瑞环是政协主席。1998年何鲁丽担任人大副委员长，当时的人大委员长就是李鹏。这不就是被李瑞环赶出了政协吗？这么明显。
所以说李鹏和习近平是一家人，李鹏是习近平干爹。
不是说仅仅一张照片这么一点点证据。我说了李鹏是习近平干爹，那就能给出100个证据。薄熙来和习近平是一家人，是亲兄弟，也能给出100个证据。这不是李鹏就出现了吗？在习近平核心马仔提拔的关键时刻，李鹏就出现了。
何鲁丽的“鲁”意指其籍贯山东。2001年她应《菏泽人在北京》一书编辑之约，写了题为《我是一个在北京踏实工作的菏泽人》的文章。她说，自己的籍贯是山东菏泽，但是从未在菏泽生活过，初二时随父亲从济南移居北平，从此在北京生活了半个多世纪。
何鲁丽是彭丽媛老乡，一个地级市的老乡，她身上习近平的元素太多了。
时任北京市政府副秘书长俞晓松向记者回忆，何鲁丽为人谦虚友善，她对俞晓松说：“我不是中共党员干部，对政府工作不熟悉，你得多多帮我，多多提示。”她不止一次去俞晓松的办公室，向他咨询接下来的调研工作该怎样安排、在走访单位用午餐是否妥当等问题。
这里写的很清楚，俞晓松担任何鲁丽的大秘，中午吃饭都要俞晓松去安排。
1993年，她再次任北京市副市长。
何鲁丽接任的，是此前陈昊苏的角色。陈昊苏1984年至1987年担任北京市副市长，分管卫生口。
何鲁丽接替的是陈昊苏的工作继续分管卫生口。接替有两种可能性，一种两个人是对立派系的，去砸场子的。去大清洗，另外一种可能性两个人是同一个派系的。去救场子的，去继续提拔前任提拔过的官员。他们两个人是同一个派系的，陈昊苏这是习近平的主线剧情。
习近平为什么提拔李微微呢，李微微政协主席那是正部级。也就是说李微微副部级和正部级都是习近平提拔的。习近平为什么提拔李微微呢，因为李微微是习近平他爸习仲勋的关系，李微微是习近平他大哥薄熙来的关系。
大瓜又来了
陈昊苏1987年调任广播电影电视部副部长，何鲁丽接替了他分管的工作。
1987年到1990年陈昊苏担任广电部副部长
这个时间段有点不对劲儿啊
1988年8月的一个晚上，康世恩恰好到同住在一个大院的余秋里(曾担任中央政治局委员、国务院副总理)家，儿子康卫平在家看电视。在专题节目《历史上的今天》里，播音员再次播发了当时对“渤海二号”事故的处理决定，还点了康世恩的名。
康卫平急忙拨通了余秋里的电话，余当即打电话找时任广电部部长的艾知生。次日，时任中共中央政治局常委的胡启立，打电话给广电部过问此事，艾知生立即给康世恩打电话、写信表示道歉，对此，康世恩表示谅解。
我给大家捋一下
1988年8月，中央电视台，当时可能只有一个频道，在电视上痛骂康世恩。当时的广电部长是艾知生，艾知生是耿飙提拔的，四人帮倒台后，耿飙是占领的电视台，军管，谁不听话就枪毙。耿飙的秘书是习近平。
当时的广电部副部长陈昊苏，是陈毅的儿子。当时的幕后组织者是薄一波。薄一波，陈毅儿子陈昊苏，习仲勋，三个人联合起来骂提拔江泽民的余秋里康世恩。就这么一个关系，大家觉得江泽民有可能提拔习近平吗？有可能提拔薄熙来吗？
回复一下这名网友：正局级与正厅级是一个级别吧，当然了。通用的正局级等于正厅级，一个东西，两个名字而已。
好的，谢谢大家。
英文翻译
How did Li Weiwei know Xi Jinping? Did they have an affair? Peng Liyuan made a scene in Zhongnanhai and hid in New York, USA, for a year. He Weidong was absent again. Was he dismissed at that time?
Hello everyone, Li Weiwei still needs to be dug deeper. It is not to say that we shoot arrows first and then draw targets, or that we have found a gun and found ironclad evidence. It is not just Li Weiwei. It touches the core of the problem. The problem of the general secretary and the problem of Chinese dictatorship is the general secretary. If it is not related to the general secretary, it is not painful. We must point directly to the core of the problem, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao and Xi Baozi. We must focus on these three people and catch these three people.
We must turn out all the bad things they have done, and let them take all the blame. Otherwise, it is to whitewash. Everything must be done by Xi Baozi. What emperor is good, it is all the eunuchs below who read the scriptures wrongly. The emperor is the worst.
I didn’t expect the theory of three major factions to be so robust
I can tell you the truth. I divided China into three factions because I was inspired by Donkey’s Talk about People, and combined with my understanding of Chinese politics, I had an idea.
I divided Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao and Xi Baozi into three factions. I didn’t expect the theory of three major factions to be so robust. In fact, it is not my original idea that Jiang, Hu and Xi belong to three factions. Many people also agree with this view. The framework of three baskets is correct.
That is, each ministerial level, vice-state level, state level, and each person belongs to which faction. This needs to be sorted out one by one and the evidence is produced, which makes people speechless.
As early as July 30, 2024, I said that Li Weiwei was a remnant of Bo Xilai. The analysis at that time was not wrong. But the evidence found at that time was still mainly around Li Weiwei himself. Who is Li Weiwei? Who knows who Li Weiwei is? The key to the problem now is the evidence I dug up yesterday, which directly points to Jiang Zemin and Bo Xilai’s father Bo Yibo.
It involves the political struggle between Jiang Zemin and Chen Yun. It involves the internal struggle of the general secretary. This is the core of the problem. The political struggle between the top leader and the second-in-command is the core of the problem.
The political struggle between Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, the political struggle between Xi Jinping and Li Qiang. Or the political struggle between the two generations of general secretaries Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping, this is the core of the problem. Chen Yun is neither the general secretary nor the prime minister. But Chen Yun is the real godfather and the second-in-command of the Communist Party of China. To put it bluntly, Jiang Zemin is fighting Chen Yun, the political struggle between the next generation of the top leader and the previous generation of the second-in-command. This is enough weight, Li Weiwei, who knows who Li Weiwei is?
The evidence dug up by Li Weiwei perfectly supports my argument framework. Li Weiwei was suppressed for 13 years from the deputy secretary of the Hunan Provincial Committee of the Communist Youth League in 1990 to the chairman of the Hunan Branch of the Council for the Promotion of International Trade in 2003, the secretary of the party group, and the deputy bureau level to the bureau level. Then we found out that the honorary president of the Hunan branch of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade was none other than Wang Maolin. In other words, Li Weiwei had been unable to move up under the suppression of Yang Zhengwu. Finally, Wang Maolin arranged for her to work at the CCPIT to the bureau level.
Wang Maolin was Yang Zhengwu’s predecessor as the Secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee. Moreover, Li Weiwei perfectly fits the timeline of the two generations of the CCP’s No. 1 and No. 2 figures. It can’t be attributed to coincidence. After Li Weiwei was promoted to the deputy bureau level in 1990, Wang Maolin transferred her to Huaihua City as the deputy commissioner of the administrative office in 1995, which was exactly two months after Chen Yun died. Wang Maolin’s backstage in the central government collapsed.
The situation reversed. Although Wang Maolin’s backstage Li Peng was still there, Li Peng could not suppress Jiang Zemin after Chen Yun died. In April 2003, Li Weiwei was promoted to the president of the Hunan branch of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade. It was just the time when Jiang Zemin handed over the general secretary and the presidency to Hu Jintao.
Li Weiwei’s timeline is too amazing
Li Weiwei’s timeline is too amazing. As soon as Chen Yun died, Li Weiwei could not get promoted. As soon as Jiang Zemin retired, Li Weiwei got promoted. It was too accurate. Then this important person like Li Weiwei cannot be let go so easily. There must be big melons and big stalks. How did Li Weiwei know Xi Jinping? It still needs to be dug out for everyone, so that the big foreign propaganda little pinks have nothing to say.
Xi Jinping’s trip to Liaoning in Northeast China seems to end in the Northern Theater Command. However, in the Northern Theater Command, Xi Jinping met with a group of fully screened soldiers “soldiers”. In the conventional meeting, Zhang Youxia, Vice Chairman of the Military Commission, accompanied him, and He Weidong was not seen. Xi Jinping’s “visit to grassroots officers and soldiers through video links” is even more “amazing”.
On January 25, 2025, the Big Pants News Network, in the only video report, can be seen that Xi Jinping visited the Northern Theater Command on the 24th to inspect and comfort. However, unlike his visits to many places in the Northeast, he did not visit the village to see the pot heads, the market to see the heads, and the market to play gimmicks, but “visited the grassroots officers and soldiers through video links” and “checked the combat readiness and mission execution of the troops” through the cold screen.
In fact, after the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, He Weidong was in an abnormal state. He often did not attend occasions that he should attend. Everyone thought that He Weidong would be arrested soon, but he came out to play this card again.
No one knows how long He Weidong can hold on.
He Weidong served in the 31st Group Army of the Nanjing Military Region for a long time. He served as the director of the reconnaissance department of the 31st Army, the chief of staff of the 31st Group Army, and the deputy commander of the 31st Group Army.
The fall of Miao Hua, the director of the Political Department of the 31st Army and even the promoted generals of the Navy and the Army, triggered a major earthquake, including the former Army Political Commissar Qin Shutong who was dismissed and his whereabouts are unknown; the Army Commander Li Qiaoming, the Navy Political Commissar Yuan Huazhi, and the Armed Police Commander Wang Chunning who were reported to have been dismissed and lost contact in public. The 31st Army is Xi Jinping’s direct line of troops. The generals from the 31st Army were basically wiped out. In other words, Xi Jinping’s base has been smashed.
Before the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee, Xi Jinping often came out to maintain stability. It was not the final showdown. He Weidong should have spent his last Spring Festival at home. Next Spring Festival should be in Qincheng with Miao Hua. With the level of a member of the Military Commission, he can immediately put together a mahjong table in Qincheng.
Li Weiwei was not promoted to the level of a director in Hunan Province by Yang Zhengwu. Finally, Wang Maolin came up with a solution to arrange Li Weiwei to the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade. As you can see, the full name is the Hunan Branch of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade. Since it is a branch, we naturally have to see who the head of the headquarters is? Who is the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade.
Everyone thinks that since Li Weiwei was promoted by Wang Maolin, a henchman of Bo Xilai’s father Bo Yibo, why did Bo Xilai go to the Ministry of Commerce to be the minister, and why didn’t he go to other ministries? According to my understanding of the nature of these incompetent second-generation reds. The reason why Bo Xilai went to the Ministry of Commerce must be that his father Bo Yibo had influence in the Ministry of Commerce. Bo Yibo had his henchmen in the Ministry of Commerce before, so he arranged for Bo Xilai to go to the Ministry of Commerce.
When you look at the name of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade, as the name suggests, the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade and the Ministry of Commerce. They must be counterpart units, close relatives, and related units.
At that time, the president of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade was Yu Xiaosong, which opened up Xi Jinping’s family bucket again. Now, during Yu Xiaosong’s tenure as president of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade, Li Weiwei was promoted to the president of the Hunan Branch of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade. I don’t know whether they are vertically managed or not. But at least they are in a business guidance relationship. As the name suggests, the branch. Yu Xiaosong is the president of China, and Li Weiwei is the president of the branch.
As soon as you open Yu Xiaosong’s resume, there are too many elements. Born in Qingdao, Shandong, his ancestral home is Hangzhou, Zhejiang. Wang Qishan is from Qingdao and lived in Qingdao before the age of 16. Xi Jinping once served as the secretary of Zhejiang and worked in Hangzhou. Xi Jinping’s elements are piled up right from the start.
On August 12, 1988, 51-year-old Yu Xiaosong was appointed as the deputy secretary-general of the Beijing Municipal Government.
In June 1991, 54-year-old Yu Xiaosong was appointed as a member of the Party Leadership Group and assistant minister of the Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations and Trade.
In October 1997, 60-year-old Yu Xiaosong was appointed as the president of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade and the China Chamber of International Commerce.
We see that Yu Xiaosong retired at the age of 60 and went to the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade as the president, which shows that the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade is indeed a retired position. If Li Weiwei had not been suppressed, she would not have gone to the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade.
Yu Xiaosong was the deputy secretary-general of the Beijing Municipal Government. Who did he serve as the chief secretary? To He Luli, the then deputy mayor of Beijing. We said in the case of Liu Jianping, secretary of the Party Committee of Tianjin University, that He Luli was promoted by Xi Zhongxun. He Luli served as the deputy mayor of Beijing in 1988. At that time, Xi Zhongxun served as the secretary of the Central Secretariat and was in charge of united front work.
Am I right? Here, we have found Xi Zhongxun again.
Let’s look at the relationship between He Luli and Yu Xiaosong, and the relationship with Chen Haosu. Chen Haosu is the eldest son of Chen Yi’s third wife Zhang Qian, and Chen Xiaolu is the third son. Communist bandits are communists who share wives, and they all have many wives, a hundred wives. Xi Zhongxun is a bigamist, and Qi Xin is a mistress. Chen Yi has 100 wives, otherwise how can Xi Zhongxun and Chen Yi be a family?
So I have repeatedly said that Xi Jinping’s main storyline is Chen Yi, Gu Mu, Jia Qinglin, and Xi Jinping. Miao Hua is on the line of Chen Yi, and the gun is here with Chen Yi. Li Weiwei is still here with Chen Yi. It was Chen Yi’s political power that helped Xi Jinping to be re-elected for life. The Chinese people don’t even know how they died, they were fooled by the big foreign propaganda.
Let’s see what the relationship is between Yu Xiaosong, He Luli, and Chen Haosu? Open up Xi Jinping’s family bucket.
In 1996, Li Peiyao, chairman of the Central Committee of the Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang, passed away. At that time, Lu Yucheng and He Luli were both deputy mayors of Beijing. Lu Yucheng remembered that he went to He Luli’s office next door and told her about his prediction: He Luli would soon become a national leader.
Lu Yucheng and He Luli were appointed deputy mayors of Beijing together in 1988
In 1996, He Luli indeed became the chairman of the Central Committee of the Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang, and in the same year became the vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, and in 1998 became the vice chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress.
Let me explain to you that Chinese journalists will not tell the truth.
In 1996, Li Peng was the prime minister and the second in command in name. Chen Yun was dead, and Deng Xiaoping was about to die. Jiang Zemin was the general secretary and Li Peng was the prime minister. Li Ruihuan was the chairman of the CPPCC. In 1998, He Luli served as the vice chairman of the National People’s Congress, and the chairman of the National People’s Congress at that time was Li Peng. Wasn’t this driven out of the CPPCC by Li Ruihuan? So obvious.
So Li Peng and Xi Jinping are a family, and Li Peng is Xi Jinping’s godfather.
It’s not just a little bit of evidence like a photo. I said that Li Peng is Xi Jinping’s godfather, and I can give 100 pieces of evidence. Bo Xilai and Xi Jinping are a family, brothers, and I can give 100 pieces of evidence. Isn’t this Li Peng who appeared? At the critical moment of Xi Jinping’s core henchmen’s promotion, Li Peng appeared.
The “Lu” in He Luli refers to her native Shandong. In 2001, she was invited by the editor of the book “Heze People in Beijing” to write an article entitled “I am a Heze person who works steadily in Beijing.” She said that her native place is Heze, Shandong, but she has never lived in Heze. When she was in the second grade of junior high school, she moved to Beijing from Jinan with her father and has lived in Beijing for more than half a century.
He Luli is a fellow villager of Peng Liyuan, a fellow villager of a prefecture-level city, and she has too many elements of Xi Jinping.
Yu Xiaosong, then deputy secretary-general of the Beijing Municipal Government, recalled to reporters that He Luli was modest and friendly. She said to Yu Xiaosong: “I am not a member of the Communist Party of China and I am not familiar with government work. You need to help me and give me more tips.” She went to Yu Xiaosong’s office more than once to consult him on how to arrange the next research work and whether it was appropriate to have lunch at the visited units.
It is clearly written here that Yu Xiaosong was He Luli’s chief secretary and Yu Xiaosong had to arrange lunch.
In 1993, she was appointed as the deputy mayor of Beijing again.
He Luli took over the role of Chen Haosu. Chen Haosu served as the deputy mayor of Beijing from 1984 to 1987 and was in charge of health.
He Luli took over Chen Haosu’s job and continued to be in charge of health. There are two possibilities for the succession. One possibility is that the two people are from opposing factions and go to destroy the scene. Go to purge, and the other possibility is that the two people are from the same faction. Go to save the scene and continue to promote officials promoted by the predecessor. The two of them are from the same faction. Chen Haosu is the main plot of Xi Jinping.
Why did Xi Jinping promote Li Weiwei? Li Weiwei is the chairman of the CPPCC, which is at the ministerial level. In other words, Li Weiwei was promoted by Xi Jinping to both the vice-ministerial and ministerial levels. Why did Xi Jinping promote Li Weiwei? Because Li Weiwei is related to Xi Jinping’s father Xi Zhongxun, and Li Weiwei is related to Xi Jinping’s elder brother Bo Xilai.
The big melon is coming again
Chen Haosu was transferred to the deputy minister of the Ministry of Radio, Film and Television in 1987, and He Luli took over his work.
From 1987 to 1990, Chen Haosu served as the deputy minister of the Ministry of Radio, Film and Television
This time period is a bit wrong
One night in August 1988, Kang Shien happened to go to the home of Yu Qiuli (formerly a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee and Vice Premier of the State Council), who lived in the same compound, while his son Kang Weiping was watching TV at home. In the special program “Today in History”, the announcer once again broadcast the decision on the handling of the “Bohai No. 2” accident at that time, and also mentioned Kang Shien’s name.
Kang Weiping hurriedly called Yu Qiuli, who immediately called Ai Zhisheng, then Minister of Radio, Film and Television. The next day, Hu Qili, then member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, called the Ministry of Radio, Film and Television to inquire about the matter. Ai Zhisheng immediately called and wrote to Kang Shien to apologize, and Kang Shien expressed understanding.
Let me explain it to you
In August 1988, CCTV, which probably only had one channel at the time, scolded Kang Shien on TV. The Minister of Radio, Film and Television at the time was Ai Zhisheng, who was promoted by Geng Biao. After the fall of the Gang of Four, Geng Biao occupied the TV station and put it under military control. Anyone who disobeyed was shot. Geng Biao’s secretary was Xi Jinping.
Chen Haosu, then Deputy Minister of Radio, Film and Television, was Chen Yi’s son. The organizer behind the scenes was Bo Yibo. Bo Yibo, Chen Yi’s son Chen Haosu, and Xi Zhongxun, three people joined forces to scold Yu Qiuli and Kang Shien, who promoted Jiang Zemin. With just this relationship, do you think Jiang Zemin could have promoted Xi Jinping? Could he have promoted Bo Xilai?
Reply to this netizen: Bureau level and department level are the same level, of course. The general bureau level is equal to department level, the same thing, just two names.
OK, thank you everyone.