习近平两大马仔杨发森窦万贵被抓，为什么穆铁礼甫哈斯木可以逍遥法外？杨发森与习近平，李鹏，朱镕基，薄熙来的关系
大家好，有几名网友问我杨发森。我看见这个问题就生气。因为之前杨发森，窦万贵，我并没有挖出来什么有价值的东西。我都不知道，还问我，哪壶不开提哪壶，后来我想再挖挖吧，结果没有两分钟就挖出来一个大瓜。这个瓜是如此的大，把习近平派系的好几个人都串起来了。我先简单给大家说一下这几个人的人物关系，然后再展开给大家讲一下。
杨发森和窦万贵都是穆铁礼甫哈斯木提拔的。哈斯木是阿不来提阿不都热西提提拔的，是李鹏提拔的。阿不来提是习仲勋的铁杆马仔习仲勋在新疆的代理人王恩茂提拔的。阿不来提是习远平国际节能环保协会创立的荣誉主席。这是这几个人的基本人物关系。
杨发森和窦万贵虽然最早是穆铁礼甫哈斯木提拔的。但是这三个人中杨发森级别最高，杨发森是省委常委，哈斯木第二，哈斯木是新疆副主席。窦万贵只是阿克苏地委书记而已，退休前给个政协副主席，混个副部级。现在这三个人，级别最高的杨发森都抓了，窦万贵也抓了。哎，只有穆铁礼甫哈斯木没事儿。这三个人都是习近平的马仔。现在习近平连级别高的杨发森都罩不住了。为什么还能罩得住哈斯木呢。
这就是身份政治，身份政治打着公平正义的旗号。和共产党一样，其实是最不公平，最不正义的。习近平已经罩不住他的马仔。但是哈斯木还能凭借他维族的身份没事儿。因为哈斯木已经退休了，如果没有退休也许要抓了。但是他都已经退休了，而且是维族官员，他不会被抓的。
杨发森和窦万贵之所以被抓，就是因为他们是汉族的。当然不全是因为身份的问题。但是他们两个人就没有身份这个挡箭牌。这能是公平，这能是正义吗？杨发森贪污，窦万贵腐败。那么杨发森和窦万贵的老上级哈斯木就不贪污，就不腐败了。但是哈斯木照样可以逍遥法外，也没脾气呀。
我说一下我理解的边疆，民族，方言这些问题。不要按照共产党的洗脑体系去理解所谓的民族问题。鄒忌諷齊王納諫，此所謂戰勝於朝廷，攘外必先安内。外交，民族等问题不过是内政问题的延续而已。主要问题不是民族问题，而是内部的政治斗争。西藏和新疆的两个省而已。
国一共31个省，都是共产党独裁，每个省都是一样的。都是中央那几派在地方的代理人之争。不是他们内部的矛盾。路线都是假的，人事斗争才是真的。胡耀邦为什么叫做胡乱邦，是因他的民族政策有问题吗？不是啊。因为胡耀邦把陈云派系的阴法唐给撤职了。换上了伍精华。所以陈云派系的人才编排的这些故事，说什么胡乱邦。他们为什么不说阴乱邦呢？就是拿着路线问题说事儿。把他们自己人换上去，他们就不吱声了。说白了就是为了争夺权力。
谁都想当皇帝。路线，口号都是拿来骗人的，总有傻子能上钩而已。给俞正声编排的什么鱼素鸡七喜。一看，就是朱镕基习近平编出来的故事，朱镕基和习近平控制着大外宣。
2010年9月，39岁的杨发森任中共阿克苏地区拜城县委书记。当时的地委书记是黄三平（2009年9月 – 2013年7月），阿克苏地委组织部部长窦万贵（2009年11月 – 2011年9月），行署专员穆铁礼甫•哈斯木（2008年2月 – 2012年3月）。
我们看阿克苏，的确是边疆，对面应该是吉爾吉斯共和國。窦万贵一开始就是杨发森的上级，地委书记黄三平为什么是江泽民的人。我就是直觉猜，也不是毫无根据的。黄三平就没提拔上去。就按照这个日期猜就可以2009年是胡锦涛总书记，2013年是习近平总书记。这黄三平就提拔不上去。那只能猜是江泽民的人了。黄三平任命的日期，当时的新疆书记不就是王乐泉吗？所以我猜黄三平是王乐泉提拔的。
王乐泉我也不知道他的派系，我倒是有一点点内幕消息。这个一个正部级的人告诉我的。现在我想想这个正部级的人有可能是江泽民派系的。据说呢，因为王乐泉是山东人。在新疆党委开会的时候，讨论提拔什么官员。王乐泉就问，这个要提拔的官员是哪里人。如果说是山东人，王乐泉，就说提，提。我不知道这是真的，还是段子啊。
但是这个黄三平是湖北人，并不是山东人。之前我为什么不知道杨发森的是什么派系背景的呢。就是找了一下黄三平，也没有找出来什么有价值的线索。因为地级市的市委书记和市长一般都是上不去的，就是说大部分官员都没有被提拔为副部级。他们本来就不认识总书记，当然找不出来了。
地委书记找不着，就找行署专员呗，一找找出来一个大瓜，穆铁礼甫哈斯木。他一个人就能回答很多问题。穆铁礼甫哈斯木，他一个人就能把李鹏，薄熙来，朱镕基，习近平四个人关系，一下子搞清楚。
就说曾庆红的亲戚孙政才为什么去农业部，因为前任农业部长杜青林就是江泽民的马仔。那么同样的道理，李鹏的儿子李小鹏为什么去交通部呢？那么肯定是因为前面的中国交通部长里面有一个人是李鹏的马仔。那么薄熙来为什么去重庆当市委书记呢。那么肯定是因为前任重庆市委书记里面有一个人和薄熙来是同一个派系的。
所以我说，这帮红二代都是一帮废物，没有老爸，他们什么事儿都干不成。重庆市委书记贺国强和汪洋都是胡锦涛的人。我们看中国的交通部长，和重庆市委书记里面有同一个人，黄镇东。黄镇东是李鹏铁杆马仔，曾经担任交通部长和重庆市委书记，所以李鹏的儿子李小鹏才去交通部当部长的。薄熙来才去重庆当市委书记的。也就是说，薄熙来唱红打黑的总后台就是李鹏朱镕基宋平。
我们先看穆铁礼甫哈斯木然后给大家找朱镕基在哪里。这个穆铁礼甫哈斯木真都是宝矿啊，把习近平一家人全给挖出来了。
2000年07月至2003年01月，43岁的穆铁礼甫•哈斯木任新疆维吾尔自治区交通厅副厅长（其间：2001年05月至2001年11月，穆铁礼甫•哈斯木挂职任中国交通部公路司副司长半年）。当时的中国交通部部长是黄镇东（1991年3月2日 – 2002年10月28日）。这个黄镇东担任交通部长的时间1991年3月不正是六四之前陈云掌权，李鹏是总理。
朱镕基在哪儿呢。这是徐匡迪亲口说的，2019年7月4日，徐匡迪亲口口述的。徐匡迪亲口说，交通部部长黄镇东同志和我关系很好，我就向他表态在长江口深水航道治理工程上，你们该要上海出多少钱就出多少钱，争取他对上海深水港方案的支持。
黄镇东是李鹏的马仔。李鹏的儿子李小鹏背书的。徐匡迪是朱镕基的马仔，徐匡迪亲口说的，他和黄镇东关系很好。为什么朱镕基的马仔徐匡迪和李鹏的马仔黄镇东关系好呢？因为他们的主子李鹏和朱镕基是一家人啊。无论从哪里角度论证，李鹏，朱镕基，习近平，薄熙来都是一家人。他们就是唱红打黑的总后台。
我们把穆铁礼甫哈斯木的习近平背景揪出来。穆铁礼甫哈斯木一个人就有李鹏朱镕基薄熙来习近平四个人的背景。2003年01月至2008年02月，43岁的穆铁礼甫•哈斯木任新疆维吾尔自治区交通厅党组副书记、厅长。当时的新疆书记是王乐泉 （1994年9月24日 – 2010年4月24日），新疆主席是阿不来提·阿不都热西提（1993年1月 – 2003年1月），司马义·铁力瓦尔地（2003年1月 – 2007年12月）。
我们看这三个人，穆铁礼甫哈斯木一个人就能把他们三个人的派系看出来。首先，这个阿不来提阿不都热西提是习远平国际节能环保协会创立的荣誉主席。阿不来提是习远平背书的习近平的人。这个是稳胆，百分百不会错，所以可以到处引用。新疆主席两个司马义好像都是胡锦涛派系的。司马义艾买提可能是邓小平的人。司马义铁力瓦尔地可能是胡锦涛的人。我不懂维吾尔语，但是我猜他们都叫司马义，但是司马义会不会在维吾尔语里面相当于，张三李四，是一个常见的名字而已。
怎么就能从穆铁礼甫哈斯木一个人身上就能看出来他们的派系呢。2008年02月至2012年01月，51岁的穆铁礼甫•哈斯木任新疆维吾尔自治区阿克苏地委副书记、行署专员。当时的新疆主席是努尔·白克力（2007年12月 – 2014年12月）。努尔白克力就是王岐山背书，王岐山的下属，所以从这里王岐山也是习近平的人。
穆铁礼甫哈斯木一个人把习近平全家桶全挖出来了。
我们看阿不来提退休之前最后一点时间把哈斯木提拔成新疆交通厅长。然后在胡锦涛派系的司马义铁力瓦尔地的任期内，哈斯木没动。等到习近平派系的努尔白克力再上台，就把哈斯木调到了阿克苏担任行署专员。前后新疆的书记都是王乐泉。就是王乐泉在看热闹，那时候江泽民和胡锦涛还没有合作。所以说民族问题啊，内部就分成三大派在内斗呢。还民族问题。只是内部政治斗争的一个外在表现而已。
根源在于内斗。
2012年03月至2014年12月，55歲的穆鐵禮甫•哈斯木任新疆維吾爾自治區人大常委會副主任。
2014年12月至2018年01月，57歲的穆鐵禮甫•哈斯木任新疆維吾爾自治區政府副主席；
胡锦涛把哈斯木赶到人大二线去了，习近平又把哈斯木请回来当副主席复出了。
所以，肯定不是胡锦涛把习近平扶上位的。就是李鹏朱镕基宋平把习近平扶上位的。
这个被政治对手打到二线，然后又东山再起的也可以总结一个
穆铁礼甫哈斯木被胡锦涛赶到二线习近平让哈斯木复出的。
何立峰也是被胡锦涛打到二线习近平让何立峰复出的。
环保部副部长李高是习近平打到二线的，胡锦涛或者温家宝让李高复出的
商务部副部长鄢东是习近平打到二线的，江泽民政治集团的人，我不知道是曾庆红还是胡德华，还是张德江还是李强让鄢东复出的。
刘昆被习近平两次打到二线，李克强和胡锦涛两次让刘昆复出。
好的，谢谢大家。
英文翻译
Xi Jinping’s two henchmen Yang Fasen and Dou Wangui were arrested, why can Mutielipu Hasmu get away with it? Yang Fasen’s relationship with Xi Jinping, Li Peng, Zhu Rongji, and Bo Xilai
Hello everyone, several netizens asked me about Yang Fasen. I got angry when I saw this question. Because I didn’t dig up anything valuable about Yang Fasen and Dou Wangui before. I didn’t know anything, but they asked me, what a joke. Later, I thought I’d dig a little deeper, and in less than two minutes I dug up a big melon. This melon is so big that it links several people in Xi Jinping’s faction. Let me first briefly tell you about the relationship between these people, and then expand it to tell you.
Yang Fasen and Dou Wangui were both promoted by Mutielipu Hasmu. Hasmu was promoted by Abulaiti Abdulrexit, who was promoted by Li Peng. Abulaiti was promoted by Wang Enmao, Xi Zhongxun’s agent in Xinjiang, who was Xi Zhongxun’s iron henchman. Abulaiti is the honorary chairman of the Xi Yuanping International Energy Conservation and Environmental Protection Association. This is the basic relationship between these people.
Although Yang Fasen and Dou Wangui were first promoted by Mutielib Hasmu, Yang Fasen is the highest-ranking among the three. Yang Fasen is a member of the provincial party committee, while Hasmu is the second-ranking. Hasmu is the vice chairman of Xinjiang. Dou Wangui is only the secretary of the Aksu prefectural party committee. Before retirement, he was given the title of vice chairman of the CPPCC and a vice-ministerial level. Now, among the three people, Yang Fasen, who is the highest-ranking, has been arrested, and Dou Wangui has also been arrested. Alas, only Mutielib Hasmu is fine. These three people are Xi Jinping’s lackeys. Now Xi Jinping can’t even protect Yang Fasen, who is of a higher rank. Why can he still protect Hasmu?
This is identity politics, which is under the banner of fairness and justice. Like the Communist Party, it is actually the most unfair and unjust. Xi Jinping can no longer protect his lackeys. But Hasmu can still be fine with his Uyghur identity. Because Hasmu has retired. If he hadn’t retired, he might have been arrested. But he has retired and is a Uyghur official, so he won’t be arrested.
Yang Fasen and Dou Wangui were arrested because they were Han Chinese. Of course, it was not entirely because of their identities. But they did not have the shield of their identities. Can this be fair? Can this be justice? Yang Fasen was corrupt, Dou Wangui was corrupt. Then Yang Fasen and Dou Wangui’s old superior Hasmu was not corrupt, nor was he corrupt. But Hasmu could still get away with it and had no temper.
Let me talk about my understanding of the border, ethnicity, and dialect issues. Don’t understand the so-called ethnic issues according to the brainwashing system of the Communist Party. Zou Ji satirized Qi Wang Na, saying that it is better to win the war than the court, and to resist foreign aggression, one must first stabilize the country. Foreign affairs, ethnicity and other issues are just the continuation of domestic issues. The main problem is not the ethnic issue, but the internal political struggle. It’s just the two provinces of Tibet and Xinjiang.
There are 31 provinces in China, all of which are under the Communist dictatorship, and every province is the same. It’s all a fight between the agents of the central factions in the local area. It’s not their internal contradictions. The lines are all fake, the personnel struggle is real. Why is Hu Yaobang called Hu Luanbang? Is it because of his ethnic policy problems? No. Because Hu Yaobang dismissed Yin Fatang of Chen Yun’s faction. He replaced him with Wu Jinghua. So the people of Chen Yun’s faction made up these stories, saying Hu Luanbang. Why don’t they say Yin Luanbang? They just use the line issue to make things. If they replace their own people, they will keep silent. To put it bluntly, it is to fight for power.
Everyone wants to be the emperor. Lines and slogans are used to deceive people, and there will always be fools who can take the bait. What fish, vegetarian chicken, and 7-up were made up for Yu Zhengsheng. At first glance, it is a story made up by Zhu Rongji and Xi Jinping. Zhu Rongji and Xi Jinping control the big foreign propaganda.
In September 2010, 39-year-old Yang Fasen was appointed as the secretary of the Baicheng County Party Committee of the Communist Party of China in Aksu Prefecture. The party secretary at that time was Huang Sanping (September 2009 – July 2013), Dou Wangui, head of the Organization Department of the Aksu Party Committee (November 2009 – September 2011), and Mu Tielifu Hasmu, commissioner of the Administrative Office (February 2008 – March 2012).
Let’s look at Aksu. It is indeed a borderland, and the opposite side should be the Kyrgyz Republic. Dou Wangui was Yang Fasen’s superior from the beginning. Why is the party secretary Huang Sanping Jiang Zemin’s man? I just guess intuitively, and it is not groundless. Huang Sanping was not promoted. According to this date, it can be guessed that Hu Jintao was the general secretary in 2009 and Xi Jinping was the general secretary in 2013. Huang Sanping could not be promoted. Then we can only guess that he was Jiang Zemin’s man. The date of Huang Sanping’s appointment, wasn’t Wang Lequan the secretary of Xinjiang at that time? So I guess Huang Sanping was promoted by Wang Lequan.
I don’t know Wang Lequan’s faction, but I do have a little inside information. This was told to me by a ministerial-level person. Now I think this ministerial-level person may be from Jiang Zemin’s faction. It is said that because Wang Lequan is from Shandong, when the Xinjiang Party Committee held a meeting to discuss which officials to promote, Wang Lequan asked where the official to be promoted was from. If he was from Shandong, Wang Lequan would say, promote, promote. I don’t know if this is true or a joke.
But Huang Sanping is from Hubei, not Shandong. Why didn’t I know what factional background Yang Fasen had before? I just looked for Huang Sanping, but didn’t find any valuable clues. Because the party secretaries and mayors of prefecture-level cities generally cannot be promoted, that is, most officials have not been promoted to the vice-ministerial level. They don’t know the general secretary in the first place, so of course they can’t find him.
If the prefectural party secretary can’t be found, then look for the commissioner of the administrative office, and a big melon is found, Mu Tielifu Hasmu. He can answer many questions by himself. Mutielipu Hasimu can figure out the relationship between Li Peng, Bo Xilai, Zhu Rongji and Xi Jinping at once.
For example, why did Zeng Qinghong’s relative Sun Zhengcai go to the Ministry of Agriculture? Because the former Minister of Agriculture Du Qinglin was Jiang Zemin’s henchman. Then by the same logic, why did Li Peng’s son Li Xiaopeng go to the Ministry of Transport? It must be because one of the previous Chinese Ministers of Transport was Li Peng’s henchman. Then why did Bo Xilai go to Chongqing to be the Party Secretary? It must be because one of the former Chongqing Party Secretary was from the same faction as Bo Xilai.
So I say that this group of second-generation reds are a bunch of rubbish. Without their father, they can’t do anything. Chongqing Party Secretary He Guoqiang and Wang Yang are both Hu Jintao’s people. Let’s look at China’s Minister of Transport and the Chongqing Party Secretary. There is the same person, Huang Zhendong. Huang Zhendong is Li Peng’s iron henchman. He once served as Minister of Transport and Secretary of Chongqing, so Li Peng’s son Li Xiaopeng went to the Ministry of Transport to be the Minister. Bo Xilai went to Chongqing to be the party secretary. In other words, the main backers of Bo Xilai’s “Sing Red and Fight Black” campaign were Li Peng, Zhu Rongji and Song Ping.
Let’s first look at Mutielipu Hasmu and then find where Zhu Rongji is. This Mutielipu Hasmu is really a treasure mine, digging out all of Xi Jinping’s family.
From July 2000 to January 2003, 43-year-old Mutielipu Hasmu served as deputy director of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Transportation Department (during the period: from May 2001 to November 2001, Mutielipu Hasmu served as deputy director of the Highway Department of the Ministry of Transportation of China for half a year). The Minister of Transportation of China at that time was Huang Zhendong (March 2, 1991 – October 28, 2002). The time when Huang Zhendong served as Minister of Transportation in March 1991 was not just before June 4th when Chen Yun was in power and Li Peng was the Premier.
Where is Zhu Rongji? This is what Xu Kuangdi said in person. On July 4, 2019, Xu Kuangdi said in person that the Minister of Transport, Comrade Huang Zhendong, and I have a good relationship. I told him that you should ask Shanghai to pay as much money as you want for the Yangtze River Estuary Deepwater Channel Regulation Project, and strive for his support for the Shanghai Deepwater Port Plan.
Huang Zhendong is Li Peng’s henchman. Li Peng’s son Li Xiaopeng endorsed it. Xu Kuangdi is Zhu Rongji’s henchman. Xu Kuangdi said in person that he has a good relationship with Huang Zhendong. Why do Zhu Rongji’s henchman Xu Kuangdi and Li Peng’s henchman Huang Zhendong have a good relationship? Because their masters Li Peng and Zhu Rongji are a family. No matter from which angle, Li Peng, Zhu Rongji, Xi Jinping, and Bo Xilai are all a family. They are the general backstage of singing red and fighting black.
We pulled out Mu Tielifu Hasmu’s Xi Jinping background. Mutelifu Hasmu has the background of four people: Li Peng, Zhu Rongji, Bo Xilai and Xi Jinping. From January 2003 to February 2008, 43-year-old Mutelifu Hasmu served as deputy secretary and director of the Party Committee of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Transportation Department. The Xinjiang Secretary at that time was Wang Lequan (September 24, 1994 – April 24, 2010), and the Xinjiang Chairman was Abulaiti Abdurexit (January 1993 – January 2003) and Simayitiliwaerdi (January 2003 – December 2007).
If we look at these three people, Mutelifu Hasmu can tell the factions of the three of them. First of all, this Abulaiti Abdurexit is the honorary chairman of the International Energy Conservation and Environmental Protection Association founded by Xi Yuanping. Abulaiti is Xi Jinping’s man endorsed by Xi Yuanping. This is a sure bet, 100% correct, so it can be quoted everywhere. The two Simayis, the chairman of Xinjiang, seem to be from Hu Jintao’s faction. Simayi Aimaiti may be Deng Xiaoping’s man. Simayi Tieliwaerdi may be Hu Jintao’s man. I don’t understand Uyghur, but I guess they are all called Simayi, but Simayi is equivalent to Zhang San Li Si in Uyghur, just a common name.
How can their factions be seen from one person, Mutielipu Hasmu? From February 2008 to January 2012, 51-year-old Mutielipu Hasmu served as deputy secretary of the Aksu Prefectural Committee and commissioner of the Administrative Office of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. The chairman of Xinjiang at that time was Nur Bekri (December 2007-December 2014). Nur Bekri is endorsed by Wang Qishan and is Wang Qishan’s subordinate, so Wang Qishan is also Xi Jinping’s man.
Mutielipu Hasmu alone dug out all the family buckets of Xi Jinping.
We can see that Abulaiti promoted Hasmu to the position of Xinjiang Transportation Director in the last moments before his retirement. Then, during the term of Simayiteliwardi of Hu Jintao’s faction, Hasmu was not moved. When Nurbekri of Xi Jinping’s faction came to power again, Hasmu was transferred to Aksu as the Commissioner of the Administrative Office. The Secretary of Xinjiang before and after was Wang Lequan. It was Wang Lequan who was watching the fun. At that time, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao had not yet cooperated. So, when it comes to ethnic issues, there are three major factions fighting each other. It’s still an ethnic issue. It’s just an external manifestation of internal political struggle.
The root cause lies in internal struggle.
From March 2012 to December 2014, 55-year-old Mutilip Hasmu served as the Deputy Director of the Standing Committee of the People’s Congress of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region.
From December 2014 to January 2018, 57-year-old Mutilip Hasmu served as Vice Chairman of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Government;
Hu Jintao pushed Hasmu to the second line of the National People’s Congress, and Xi Jinping invited Hasmu back to serve as Vice Chairman.
So, it was definitely not Hu Jintao who helped Xi Jinping to the position. It was Li Peng, Zhu Rongji, and Song Ping who helped Xi Jinping to the position.
This person who was pushed to the second line by political opponents and then made a comeback can also be summarized as follows:
Mutilip Hasmu was pushed to the second line by Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping let Hasmu come back.
He Lifeng was also pushed to the second line by Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping let He Lifeng come back.
Li Gao, the vice minister of the Ministry of Environmental Protection, was demoted to the second line by Xi Jinping, and Hu Jintao or Wen Jiabao allowed Li Gao to return to the post.
Yan Dong, the vice minister of the Ministry of Commerce, was demoted to the second line by Xi Jinping, and he is from Jiang Zemin’s political group. I don’t know if it was Zeng Qinghong, Hu Dehua, Zhang Dejiang or Li Qiang who allowed Yan Dong to return to the post.
Liu Kun was demoted to the second line by Xi Jinping twice, and Li Keqiang and Hu Jintao allowed Liu Kun to return to the post twice.
Okay, thank you all.