乡村基督教的实践形态:嵌入与疏离【1】——以关中地区南村基督教会历史变迁为例

作者:王思明 田雄
关键词: 宗教 调查

共产党为什么痛恨宗教,控制宗教。

乡村基督教信徒由最初认同的“基督教会”转变为“家庭教会”,基本不再受基层国家权力的直接约束和管制,因而具有一定的“自治”和“自组织”色彩。在社会功能方面,南村基督教与国家乡村治理作用呈现嵌入关系,而在社会整合和规范方面,则与国家呈现出疏离关系。

[内容摘要] 从对关中地区南村基督教会的历史变迁过程的观察可以看出,农民参加基督教会,其原因还在于当前农村中的正式制度和组织难以满足农民的复杂而多样化的需求。乡村基督教信徒由最初认同的“基督教会”转变为“家庭教会”,基本不再受基层国家权力的直接约束和管制,因而具有一定的“自治”和“自组织”色彩。在社会功能方面,南村基督教与国家乡村治理作用呈现嵌入关系,而在社会整合和规范方面,则与国家呈现出疏离关系。嵌入与疏离混合构成了当前乡村基督教的实践形态。基于此,国家需要以制度的完善去容纳、培育和引导乡村基督教与现代社会的良性发展相一致。

关键词:乡村;基督教;家庭教会;社会整合

“基督教”作为一种异域文化却在广大中国农村让农民“聚而为教,集而为会”。目前,对乡村基督教的研究多以地域性研究为主,因而呈现出某种“碎片化”的现状。在陕西关中地区,就基督教种类而言,有“三自爱国运动委员会”指导的基督教,还有如“三赎基督”、“东方闪电”等各种邪教。除此之外,还有近年从建制基督教分化出的家庭教会【2】。在此背景下,从2004年到2008年2月份,笔者采用实地观察、重点访谈等研究方式,对关中地区Y永寿县南村基督教会的历史演变进行了个案研究。本文重点探讨的是:基督教所发挥的社会功能以何种机制实现了逐步扩展的目的?从其历史演变和当前实践形态分析,基督教与国家呈现出何种关系?本文试图在个案研究扩展的基础上,寻求具有普遍意义的研究结论。

一、南村基督教会的源起

基督教传入陕西省已是光绪二年(1876年)。这一年内地会(China Inland Mission)的鲍康宁(F.W. Baller)与金辅仁(George King)自汉口出发,进入陕西境内。这一事件被基督教会认为是陕西开教之始[1]。光绪十四年(1888年)内地会所属的瑞华会(Swedish Mission in China)才从山西境内进入相邻的关中地区同州府大荔县。后来由于关中农村经济凋敝,农民生活极端贫困,社会动荡不安,农民缺乏社会保障、救济和心理安慰,生活单调、沉闷,缺少必要的娱乐活动,因此,农民入教后,“吃教”、“依教”、“靠教”,基督教在关中自然而然地蓬勃发展起来。光绪十五年(1893年),北美瑞挪会首先在西安建立总堂,民国元年(1912年)在Y永寿县建堂[2]。

陕西行政图

笔者进行实地调查的南村基督教会也正是上述历史发展的产物。因为没有与其发展相关的纸质档案,笔者只能通过访谈对象口述的方式,追寻南村基督教历史演变过程。

LC:早在20世纪40年代的时候,村子里最早信教的就是我的叔叔(按照辈分村里其他人称其为六爷),他年轻的时候有两个儿子,但在后来不到七个月时间内都先后得病夭折。受到打击的他开始跟他的舅舅信神。后来其他孩子健康成长,就更坚定了他信神的信心。当时也就不到十个人在他家里聚会,一起祷告,仪式比较简单。我当时经常见到别人祷告、礼拜,我心里就喜欢了,至今快40年了。

“在‘文化大革命’时期,当时禁止信基督教,好多成员都是偷偷地聚会。”改革开放以后, 1982年,中共中央的宗教政策发生了转变【3】,为宗教正名,重新恢复我国的宗教信仰自由政策。南村基督教会教徒数量开始增加,六爷购买了南村的一孔窑洞作为教会固定的聚会点。1995年,一直负责教会的六爷去世,临终前把教会的重任托付给LC、BK和HN三人负责。此时正值村里的小学搬迁,信徒于是集资约三千元从村委会购买了原来的校舍,并又由信徒捐款三万元左右重新修葺了教堂。教堂大概有120平方米左右,能容纳近200人。同时他们还添置了两间偏房和锅灶等。至此,南村基督教会有了固定的活动场所。而南村正位于Q乾县(XY咸阳市)、LY麟游县(隶属于BJ宝鸡市)和Y永寿县交界处。其影响力越来越大,成员数量在500人左右,遍及周边近20个村子。其成员主要以30—70岁的中老年妇女为主,男性成员在10名左右。

2000年,经Y永寿县宗教事务局颁发证书,南村基督教会聚会点以国家给予的文本方式合法化。

二、乡村基督教的身份转换与权力认同

在南村基督教会中,农民加入基督教会并没有严格的洗礼等宗教仪式,同时,许多农民进入教会后,也并非是严格遵循基督教规非常虔诚地参加礼拜或其他活动。根据笔者观察,许多信教妇女都会在农闲时节自由选择出外打工,有些甚至还是教会的核心成员——同工【4】。责任心强、认真的教徒也会有同样的行动。大概在2003年之前,南村基督教会的活动一直由Y永寿县三自爱国运动委员会和基督教教务委员会的WY主任具体指导,而他同时兼任县政协委员,其主任的体制身份则是教会和国家关系的衔接和体现。至今WY主任却几乎再也没有到南村教会来视察。

笔者:你们现在为何不再与县基督教会联系了?

BK:WY来到这里后,要吃要喝,逢年过节还需要给送礼。当时修建教堂时,WY没有给这里一分钱。反而在这里给教徒合影之后拿到南京讨要到经费8万元。这个人作风有问题。

XQ:WY到教会来后,一般都是他指定的人给他做饭,还指定人跟他坐在一起吃饭。如果有其他教徒在他之前吃饭,他就会很生气。在教会住宿的时候,还要人服侍他。每次聚会结束之后,教会里剩下没有用完的东西,他都会让其他人给他准备好带回家。BK每次让我帮忙做饭,所以一些事情我很清楚。

LC:WY平时来这里,你要给人家吃好喝好。现在来的X牧师就很好,经常自己掏腰包给一些生活困难的教徒钱物。人也很随和,不是那么讲究。

从中可以看到,WY身份更多的是代表国家体制的一部分,是实现国家与南村基督教组织之间互动的主要中介和纽带。但由于个人行为问题而使国家和南村基督教之间的关系有所变化,信徒也开始对他有所排斥。此时, XX牧师开始进入了基督教并逐渐对它形成指导性的作用。据南村信徒说,她是西安的一名退休工人,其具体活动地点在河南省。目前教会与外界交流主要由XX牧师联系,二三十岁的年轻信徒一般都亲切地称她为肖姨。但XX牧师具体身份究竟是什么,许多普通信徒目前无从所知。这种前后的变化最终的客观后果又是如何?

笔者:XX牧师怎么会到南村基督教来?

XQ:当教会的人对WY牧师越来越有意见时,HN的舅婆在西安认识XX牧师,就把XX牧师介绍给教会负责人HN。

笔者:XX牧师来了以后教会管理有无变化?

LC:原来教会的经费主要由教徒捐献,内部设出纳和会计。每次经费支出都有发票,并且在捐款之后都会当场点清是多少。以前较大聚会活动时,县政协、统战部和公安局都会派工作人员来。现在没有出纳和会计, XX牧师来后这都取消并重新指定了哪些人是同工。我负责了几十年却连同工都不是。当然现在也不知道钱是如何花费的,而我当时经手的账单现在都保存着。

XQ:教会原来捐钱都放在一个木箱子里面,现在是用一个塑料袋一装,然后就由BK和HN两个人管理。其他人也不知道到底是如何花费的。

笔者:你们平时的捐款是如何花费并监督的?

BK:平时我们从不乱花一分钱。因为神在我们的心中,他时时启示并引导着我们。

笔者:原来你们信的基督教和现在你们信的有什么不同?

XQ:XX牧师来后,说我们信的是假神,拜的是偶像,而不是真神,不是耶稣基督。当时,在教会里面讲道的时候,其他负责教会的人都会高高在上地坐在讲台上面向其他普通信徒。XX说这样是不对的,在教会里面每个人都是神的儿女,大家都是平等的。现在也就没有主任、出纳和会计等,这些都是世俗的。现在只有知事、同工和普通信徒之分。

LC:“爱国、爱人、爱神”应该是统一的,都要爱。现在是只提倡“爱教”。按道理说,基督教无论如何都是国家里的一部分,所有的活动都要和国家政策相一致。当我给同工建议时,让人家BK和HN把我批评了一顿。

BA:好多人问我加入基督教几年了。其实这个教会不能救人。惟有这个教会的基督耶稣能救你。我妈妈加入“三自”教会十几年了,啥都不会。“三自”教会中第一爱国,第二爱神,拜的是宗教和政权,拜的是偶像。家庭教会中第一爱神,第二爱国,第三爱人,拜的是耶稣基督。只有这样的爱才是圣洁的、纯正的,才能带来国泰民安。

外边的人来给我讲明白,她就是XX姊妹。原来是基督教,他听国外的宣教师讲明白了真理。“教”不能让你得救和得永生,只有神在我们心中。你们刚才问我信教多少年了,其实,我现在信的是家庭教会,信的是神,不是“教”【5】。

在南村基督教的普通信徒中,能够与BA等信徒的认识达到同样层次的并不多。但是BA是基督教的同工之一,他们处于教会的领导人角色。她们能够清楚地认识到原来的“三自”基督教会和现在的家庭教会的主要区别,即把“神的权力”置于“世俗权力”之上。这种认识显然并不是她们自觉认识到的,而是在XX牧师到来之后,对WY牧师所代表的国家身份象征有所怀疑和抵制,这才是南村基督教的价值取向发生深刻变化的重要原因,最终导致南村基督教处于“非主流、边缘性的地位”[3],与国家基层代表呈现出疏离态势。WY主任的个人行为只是南村基督教脱离其工作指导关系的诱因而已。

三、基督教的社会功能与扩展机制

查尔斯·Y·格洛克提到了教派的出现与五种“匮乏”相关,即经济匮乏、社会匮乏、机体匮乏、伦理匮乏和心理匮乏[4]128-130。从基督教在关中传播的历史过程并结合其他学者研究结论来看,与查尔斯的观点有着较多的相同点[5]。在南村及更多区域的村庄,大部分农民闲暇时除了看电视之外,就是打麻将和玩纸牌,妇女在类似的赌博活动中极少参与。农民在久病不愈、又无钱治病的情况下,便参加基督教,希望寻求平安健康。还有一部分则是丧偶或留守在家的妇女。在南村,单一的农业种植结构和外向而分散的经济收入方式使得农民之间在经济方面的相互协作和相互需要也不是很强烈。正如杜尔克姆认为,乡村社会是一个机械团结的社会,它由许多相似的同质环节构成,外来因素最容易侵入[6]139-142。由于农民生活单调、就医条件差等原因,农民的实际需求是多种多样。因此,在乡村社会基督教对农民除了具有精神慰藉、道德教化等功能之外,还有如下功能:

闲暇娱乐。信徒除了每周日在南村教堂聚会一次,一般在自己家也进行。如唱赞美诗,讲圣经和共同祷告。在圣诞、春节,信徒看碟片,学习舞蹈和表演节目。

社会互动。自从农村实行家庭联产承包责任制后,市场经济侵入乡村社会,农民之间原有的“差序格局”趋于“理性化”[7]。因此,信神在一定程度上扩大了他们的生活圈子,促进了农民之间的交流和互动。

文化传播。笔者在2004年随机访谈的25人中,有16人原来都是文盲,自从信神后他们主要以《圣经》和《迦南诗选》为读物,汉字的重复率高以及学习时间比较长,认识并会书写很多汉字。

改造传统文化:南村教会负责人HN共有姐妹四人和一个弟弟,他们都相继信神。2006年他们的父亲去世,他们按照基督教的规矩,决定不为父亲摔纸盆,也不叫乐人,完全不同于农村中其他老人去世的送葬方式【6】。事后,周围村子的大部分农民认为:“这简直就是亏先人,丢先人的脸。”除此之外,过年时节教徒家里还不允许放烟花爆竹,认为这样会“招鬼”。这些都不同于关中乡村传统的风俗习惯。

到2007年初,以南村作为基督教固定场所的活动中心,已扩展到附近的六个行政村,每个村庄都设有聚会点,包括BZ北庄村、Y延村、YZ​烟庄村、FT佛头村、GJ甘井镇所在地和GX(属于BJ宝鸡市LY麟游县)。其中,Y延村和GJ甘井镇聚会点已建有专门的教堂。BZ北庄村聚会点负责人是南村基督教会负责人HN的亲弟弟,YZ烟庄村聚会点负责人的女儿是南村教会的同工。同时,教会成员数量增加的最主要的渠道还是通过家庭成员内部的影响,其次是亲戚关系,最后才是邻里关系。在南村基督教会中,母女同时信教的有20多个,姊妹共同信教的也有30多个。即血缘和姻缘的网络关系构成了基督教文化的网络基础。在教会扩展的过程中,再次印证了血缘和姻缘关系的网络作用。农民信徒所在的乡土社会“差序格局”的属性依然发挥着重要的作用[8]26-30。基督教的社会功能与乡土社会的属性相互融合在一起,对基督教的进一步传播起到了推动作用。

四、“准自治”的日常运作与实践形态

近代基督教最初作为异域文化,在中国广大的乡村社会得到立足和扩散的过程,实际上也是其逐渐与乡土社会文化相互融合和发生嬗变的过程。如前所述,最初受国家基层代表直接或间接干预的基督教,现在逐渐演变为具有自主活动空间的家庭教会。如何理解南村基督教会的实践形态,需要从它日常运作的过程去理解和分析。

(一)日常聚会的活动仪式

1.集体学唱赞美诗。每周日做礼拜,信徒并非是每次都来、每次都按时到。一般在农闲时期参加的人数较多,平时信徒人数都在70—80人之间。初到时,信徒全部站立,齐声歌唱赞美诗,并且边鼓掌边歌唱。节奏匀称,富有旋律。以农民为主体的信徒在乡村社会日常生活场景中以并不多见的整齐而有序的活动出现。每个信徒逐渐被融入到融洽、和谐而欢快的氛围之中。

赞美诗之后由某个同工随机带领其他信徒集体祷告,由教会中的某位同工吟诵祷告词。

2.讲道:做见证。讲道是礼拜的第二个主要环节。由同工中的具有一定知识水平、熟悉《圣经》而且口才较好的信徒为大家讲道。据笔者观察,其中一位讲道的信徒,她只读到小学五年级。在讲道过程中,讲道的信徒时而用打比方、举例子,或用排比、反问句的方式。最引起信徒认同的就是“做见证”,即举世俗生活中得到神的作用的事例。每讲完一个实例后,其他信徒纷纷惊叹。

3.祷告:为“罪人”祈福。这时各位信徒双目紧闭,各自祷告。有的则是双膝跪地,泪流满面,希望得到神的启示或惩罚自己的罪过。

4.同工会。12点左右礼拜结束,最后往往是教会的同工留下,集体讨论教会最近的事务如何处理安排,需要去哪个村子或哪个近来遭受不幸的姊妹家去聚会祷告。其实,在此之前,已经由HN等知事决定,开会只是宣布结果而已。例如每年暑期,HN等人指定同工成员中的个别姊妹去西安一些教会进行交流和学习等事宜。

(二)大型聚会的统筹安排

南村基督教会每年聚会两次,分别是在公历7月份和元宵节前后,每次都是三天左右。主要内容是邀请外地来的信徒为所有的信徒讲道。这些信徒的交通费用由南村基督教会承担。一般在这几天,附近其它聚会点的信徒都会前来。还有组织信徒学习舞蹈、观看碟片和表演节目。基督教会拥有自己的29吋彩电和碟机。这些碟片都是在西安学习交流时获得的,如《出埃及》、《阮志明》和《科学与宗教》等。

2008年元宵节,南村基督教邀请到JY泾阳县信徒、大约有15名组成的乐队前来表演节目【7】。这些节目都是根据《圣经》和《迦南诗选》改编而成,有舞蹈、独唱和快板,形式多样,内容通俗易懂。尽管大雪融化后道路泥泞,然而附近村落没有信神的农民也纷纷前来观看“热闹”。其中有步履蹒跚、白发如雪的80岁的老人,有怀抱婴儿的少妇和年轻男子,还有数个村的村支书、村主任和村民组长。

在聚会时候,需要解决来自远处的信徒的食宿等生活问题。于是,教会有专人负责做饭、拉水【8】。柴、米、油、盐、面粉、蔬菜、肉和鸡蛋一般都是由信徒自觉从自己家里带来、少部分则通过市场购买的方式解决。住宿问题则由教会负责人安排各位“兄弟姊妹”在南村本村信徒家里居住。在这段时期的花费,除了平时集资外,还有Y永寿县其他乡镇前来交流的信徒捐助50元或100元不等。

在此过程中,国家基层代表以“不支持,不反对”的默许状态让基督教在一定范围正常活动。根据教会负责人HN等信徒反映,“以前聚会时还有统战部、民政局和三自爱国委员会的人来视察,现在基本不来了。”GJ甘井镇党委副书记认为:“农村基督教信徒的特征是三多,老人多、妇女多、文盲多,而且其活动通俗易懂,老少皆宜,以娱乐为主,所以不用担心农村基督教会的负面影响。”【9】主管宗教的民政局把Y永寿县的宗教分布情况认定为“西佛东教”。其实,笔者长期调研获知,在Y永寿县西部只有一个佛教,而基督教则在东部和西部都有广泛分布。Y永寿县基督教会和民政局共同制定了信息员制度,其目的是为了“了解和掌握基层宗教开展活动情况”【10】,并规定每个信息员每月必须上报两次情况。对于南村从基督教会转变为家庭教会并没有给予相关的制约或惩罚措施。

南村基督教的外在环境越来越宽松,逐渐形成了一个自主性的活动空间。只要它继续在农村为农民的需求发挥着精神寄托和安慰、闲暇时间娱乐和社会交流互动的功能,它仍将呈现出向四周蔓延和扩展的趋势。南村基督教会向家庭教会扩散的过程表明,他们积极寻求与外界联系,已经具备了一定的“自治性”和“自组织能力”,其社会基础便是乡村社会中农民信徒的血缘和地缘关系。基督教之所以能够在南村及更多的村庄借助上述网络关系扩展,并具有初级的组织形态,贯穿其中最大的现实情况就是:南村基督教信徒形成并发展于农村,信徒的第一身份是农民,其次才是基督徒的身份。

范丽珠曾经在河北和陕西等地的人类学调查表明,“在乡村普遍存在的民间信仰活动中蕴含着丰富的社会性公益活动治理的功能”[9]。南村基督教会由内部成员和外来的信徒共同建立,国家基层代表也很少干预。虽然具有初步的“自治性”色彩,但是信徒的行为也只在教会的范围之内,并没有进入更宽广的乡村公共领域。信徒在教会内能够“积极慷慨捐款”,作为农民,在教会之外的村庄集体事务中,却难以见到类似的行为。师高宁对基督教会社会服务范围的研究也有着同样的观点。所以说,南村基督教信徒的思维逻辑、行动逻辑和农民身份行动逻辑并非一致,这种矛盾的根源还在于信徒的农民属性。

五、结论与探讨

本文对关中地区南村基督教的起源,及其转变为家庭教会的变迁过程进行了考察。虽然因为个案研究本身所具有的特点难以推论更大范围的乡村基督教的实践形态,但是从本文初步的研究结果不难看出,农民参加基督教会,其原因还在于当前农村中广大农民有着文化、娱乐、教育和心理慰藉等多重需要,而由于基层国家政权的服务理念、服务能力等因素的制约,依靠正式制度和组织难以满足农民的复杂而多样化的需求。农民生存的社会空间和心理需求空间有限,当为他们提供服务的主体缺失时,基督教恰恰能够以其自身的社会功能填补。之后,基督教利用乡村社会中农民信徒的地缘和血缘关系,形成了一定的自组织能力和自治能力,进一步得到传播和扩张。而在此过程中,因为农民将自身身份认同为家庭教会成员的身份,在国家基层代表“不支持,不反对”的默认态度下,家庭教会与国家基层代表之间几乎不再发生直接关系。

无论是最初的国家指导下的基督教还是转变后的家庭教会,其基本的社会功能都没有发生根本性的变化。为满足农民的多重需要,它以宗教具有的社会功能嵌入于国家在农村各种制度作用之中。嵌入则是因为国家与基督教的根本性质不同,社会分工及其发挥的社会功能也不同,而它所发挥的积极性社会功能显然是和国家当前在乡村提供的文化、教育和医疗等公共产品供给短缺有关。因此,这种嵌入就带有基督教自身的主动性。而在基督教信徒对政权认同转化为对神权认同的过程中,其本身具有的消极性不仅没有受到基层国家权力的干预和管制,反而受到了它的一定程度的默许。从此可以看出,功能的嵌入与规范的疏离共同构成了当前乡村基督教的实践形态。

尽管基督教具有积极的社会功能,但也有着强烈的保守性与排他性。“可以为耶稣捐奉献金,但是不会为村集体搞公共事务捐款,因为那是世俗的事情。”显然,乡村基督教的积极作用也仅仅局限在有限范围之内,并不能发挥更大的社会服务作用。信徒的这种思维和行为逻辑又反映了自身身份认同,即“农民”与“基督徒”的分离性和模糊性混合存在的事实。同时,由于乡村信徒的自身特征,基督教处于边缘性的非主流的社会地位的根本原因,因而也就注定了基督教在转化为“家庭教会”之后,国家能够容忍和默认这种“疏离”状态的存在。仍然从“农民信徒”的混合身份出发,他们虽然具有初步的“自组织”和“自治”色彩,但还不可能发育为现代公民社会中的中坚力量。

“要积极引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应。这是我们党从社会主义初级阶段这一基本国情出发,总结新中国成立以来宗教工作的成功经验做出的科学论断,是我国宗教发展的正确方向。”[10]在基督教当前的实践形态中,国家如果不能通过正式制度为农村发展提供有效的公共产品,基督教扩散的趋势仍会继续。因此,在新农村建设的制度保证和构建和谐社会的现实诉求之下,国家与基督教应以平等竞争的姿态,积极承担起广大农民的物质和文化需求的责任,构建有利于现代公民社会萌芽和成长的制度环境,以制度的完善去包容社会的良性发展。


注释:

【1】本文在撰写过程中,对地名和人名作了处理,文责自负。
【2】建制基督教是指经过政府部门正式批准的基督教活动场所。而家庭教会则是基督信徒自己设立聚会点,还没有取得合法性。
【3】参见: 1982年中共中央《关于我国社会主义时期宗教问题的基本观点和基本政策》。
【4】同工:与上帝同样做工的基督徒,一般是指更为虔诚、忠实的信徒。
【5】根据笔者观察,受访者居住的房子大约有近50平方米,房子里面有二三十个小凳子。据他们讲,这些都是为聚会的信徒而准备的。每周三、周五晚上附近村子有二三十个人到受访者家里来一起祷告,做礼拜。
【6】摔纸盆是关中地区埋葬老人的一个重要的、必不可少的仪式。一般都由老人的儿子或其他继承人来把盛有烧成灰的纸钱在送葬的十字路口从自己的头顶上摔下去。乐人是指为逝者吹唢呐等奏乐的人。
【7】2008年2月份邀请到J泾阳县的信徒组成乐队表演之后,南村教会决定组建自己的乐队。根据成员报名分派角色,然后派人前往西安购买乐器,目前正在排练之中。
【8】据笔者调查时,教会当时还没有通自来水,需要靠人力从附近村落拉水。
【9】2007年9月4日,访GJ甘井乡党委副书记。
【10】参见:Y永寿县基督教信息员制度建设情况。

参考文献:

[1]张晓虹:晚清至民国时期陕西基督教宣教区研究[J].中国历史地理论丛, 2006(4).
[2]王欣瑞:近代基督教传入陕西及陕西农民入教原因探析[J].西北大学学报:哲学社会科学版, 2004(1).
[3]高师宁:从实证研究看基督教与当代中国社会[J].浙江学刊, 2006(4).
[4]罗纳德·L·约翰斯通:社会中的宗教:一种宗教社会学[M].成都:四川人民出版社, 1991.
[5]姚力:我国改革开放以来基督教发展的原因探析[J].当代中国史研究, 2004(3).
[6]埃米尔·涂尔干:社会分工论[M].渠东,译.北京:三联书店, 2000.
[7]杨善华:侯红蕊.血缘、姻缘、亲情与利益[J].宁夏社会科学, 1999(6).
[8]费孝通:乡土中国[M].北京:北京大学出版社, 1998.
[9]范丽珠:公益活动与中国乡村社会资源[ J].社会,2006(5).
[10]黄铸:中国共产党宗教理论和政策的历史考察[N].人民日报, 2003-11-14.

(本文转载自:《南京师大学报》(社会科学版)2008年11月第6期)

本文链接

乡村基督教的实践形态:嵌入与疏离【1】——以关中地区南村基督教会历史变迁为例

英文翻译

Rural Christian Practice Form: Embedding and Alienation【1】——Taking the Historical Changes of Nancun Christian Church in Guanzhong Area as an Example
Author: Wang Siming Tian Xiong
Keywords: religion survey

[Abstract] From the observation of the historical changes of Christian churches in Nancun, Guanzhong area, it can be seen that the reason why farmers join Christian churches is that the current formal system and organization in rural areas cannot meet the complex and diverse needs of farmers. Rural Christian believers have changed from the “Christian churches” they initially identified to “house churches”, and they are basically no longer directly restricted and controlled by the grassroots state power, so they have a certain “autonomous” and “self-organizing” color. In terms of social functions, Nancun Christianity has an embedded relationship with the country’s rural governance, while in terms of social integration and norms, it has an alienated relationship with the country. The mixture of embedding and alienation constitutes the current practice pattern of rural Christianity. Based on this, the country needs to accommodate, cultivate and guide rural Christianity with a sound system consistent with the benign development of modern society.

Key words: rural areas; Christianity; house churches; social integration

As a foreign culture, “Christianity” allows farmers to “gather together to teach, and gather to form a meeting” in the vast rural areas of China. At present, the research on rural Christianity is mostly based on regional research, so it presents a certain “fragmentation” status quo. In the Guanzhong area of Shaanxi, in terms of Christianity, there are Christianity guided by the “Three-Self Patriotic Movement Committee”, as well as various cults such as “Three Redemption Christs” and “Eastern Lightning”. In addition, there are house churches that have branched out from institutional Christianity in recent years [2]. Against this background, from 2004 to February 2008, the author conducted a case study on the historical evolution of the Christian Church in Nancun, Yongshou County, Y Yongshou County, Guanzhong District, using on-the-spot observations and focused interviews. The focus of this article is: by what mechanism did Christianity achieve its goal of gradual expansion? From the analysis of its historical evolution and current practice, what kind of relationship does Christianity have with the state? This article attempts to expand on the basis of case studies. On the other hand, seek the research conclusions with general significance.

  1. The Origin of Nancun Christian Church
    Christianity was introduced into Shaanxi Province in the second year of Guangxu (1876). This year, F.W. Baller and George King of the China Inland Mission set off from Hankou and entered Shaanxi. This event is considered by the Christian Church to be the beginning of teaching in Shaanxi[1]. In the 14th year of Guangxu (1888), the Swedish Mission in China (Swedish Mission in China), which was affiliated with the Inland Mission, entered Dali County, the capital of Tongzhou, the neighboring Guanzhong region, from Shanxi. Later, due to the recession of the rural economy in Guanzhong, the peasants lived in extreme poverty, the society was turbulent, and the peasants lacked social security, relief and psychological comfort. Their lives were monotonous and dull, and they lacked necessary entertainment activities. Christianity naturally flourished in Guanzhong. In the 15th year of Guangxu (1893), the American Reno Association first established the main hall in Xi’an, and in the first year of the Republic of China (1912) built the hall in Yongshou County, Y [2].

The Nancun Christian Church, which the author conducted field investigation, is also a product of the above-mentioned historical development. Because there are no paper files related to its development, the author can only trace the historical evolution of Christianity in Nancun through the oral narration of the interviewees.

LC: As early as the 1940s, the earliest religious believer in the village was my uncle (other people in the village called him Liu Ye according to his seniority). He had two sons when he was young, but in less than seven months later Neidu fell ill and died one after another. After being hit, he began to believe in God with his uncle. Later, when the other children grew up healthily, his faith in God was further strengthened. At that time, less than ten people gathered at his home to pray together, and the ceremony was relatively simple. At that time, I often saw other people praying and worshiping, and I liked it in my heart. It has been almost 40 years now.

“During the ‘Cultural Revolution’ period, believers in Christianity were banned, and many members gathered secretly.” After the reform and opening up, in 1982, the religious policy of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China changed [3]. Freedom of Religion Policy. The number of believers in the Nancun Christian Church began to increase, and Liu Ye bought a cave dwelling in Nancun as a regular meeting point for the church. In 1995, Liu Ye, who had been in charge of the church, passed away. Before his death, he entrusted the responsibility of the church to LC, BK and HN. At this time, the primary school in the village was being relocated, so the believers raised about 3,000 yuan to buy the original school building from the village committee, and the believers donated about 30,000 yuan to renovate the church. The church is about 120 square meters and can accommodate nearly 200 people. At the same time, they also added two side rooms and pots and stoves. So far, the Nancun Christian Church has a fixed venue for activities. And Nancun is located at the junction of Qgan County (XY Xianyang City), LY Linyou County (belonging to BJ Baoji City) and Y Yongshou County. Its influence is growing, with about 500 members in nearly 20 surrounding villages. Its members are mainly middle-aged and elderly women aged 30-70, and there are about 10 male members.

In 2000, with a certificate issued by the Religious Affairs Bureau of Y Yongshou County, the meeting place of the Nancun Christian Church was legalized in the form of a text issued by the state.

  1. Rural Christianity’s Identity Transformation and Power Identification
    In the Nancun Christian Church, farmers did not have strict religious ceremonies such as baptism when they joined the Christian church. At the same time, after entering the church, many farmers did not strictly follow Christian rules to participate in worship or other activities very piously. According to the author’s observation, many religious women will freely choose to go out to work during the slack season, and some are even the core members of the church – co-workers [4]. Responsible and conscientious believers will do the same. Before 2003, the activities of the Nancun Christian Church had been under the specific guidance of Y Yongshou County Three-Self Patriotic Movement Committee and WY director of the Christian Educational Affairs Committee, and he was also a member of the county CPPCC. connection and expression. So far Director WY has almost never visited Nancun Church.

Author: Why are you no longer in contact with the County Christian Church?

BK: After WY came here, he had to eat, drink, and give gifts during the holidays. When the church was built at that time, WY did not give a penny here. Instead, after taking a group photo with believers here, I got Nanjing to ask for 80,000 yuan in funding. There’s something wrong with this guy’s style.

XQ: When WY comes to church, usually the person he appoints cooks for him, and also appoints someone to sit and eat with him. He gets annoyed if other churchgoers eat before him. When staying in the church, people need to serve him. After each meeting, there are unused things left in the church, and he will let other people prepare them for him to take home. BK asks me to help with the cooking every time, so some things are clear to me.

LC: WY usually comes here, you have to give them good food and drink. The pastor X who came now is very good, and often gives money and things to some believers who are living in difficulties out of his own pocket. People are also very easygoing, not so particular.

It can be seen from this that the WY identity is more representative of a part of the state system, and it is the main intermediary and link to realize the interaction between the state and Nancun Christian organizations. However, due to personal behavior problems, the relationship between the state and Nancun Christianity has changed, and believers have also begun to reject him. At this time, Pastor XX began to enter Christianity and gradually formed a guiding role for it. According to Nancun believers, she is a retired worker in Xi’an, and her specific activity location is in Henan Province. At present, the church communicates with the outside world mainly through Pastor XX. Young believers in their 20s and 30s generally call her Aunt Xiao affectionately. But what is the specific identity of Pastor XX, many ordinary believers have no way of knowing. What is the ultimate objective consequence of this change before and after?

Author: Why did Pastor XX come to Nancun Christianity?

XQ: When people in the church had more and more opinions on Pastor WY, HN’s aunt knew Pastor XX in Xi’an, so she introduced Pastor XX to the head of the church, HN.

Author: Has the church management changed since Pastor XX came?

LC: It turns out that the funds of the church are mainly donated by believers, and cashiers and accountants are set up internally. There is an invoice for each expenditure, and the amount will be counted on the spot after the donation. In the past, when there were large gatherings, the county CPPCC, the United Front Work Department and the Public Security Bureau would all send staff to come. Now there are no cashiers and accountants. After Pastor XX came, these were canceled and who were designated as co-workers. I have been in charge for decades but I am not even a co-worker. Of course, I don’t know how the money was spent now, and the bills I handled at that time are all kept.

XQ: Church donations used to be placed in a wooden box, but now they are packed in a plastic bag, and then managed by BK and HN. Others don’t know exactly how it was spent.

Author: How are your usual donations spent and supervised?

BK: Usually we never waste a penny. Because God is in our hearts, He inspires and guides us all the time.

Author: What is the difference between the Christianity you believed in before and the Christianity you believe in now?

XQ: After Pastor XX came, he said that we believe in false gods and worship idols, not the real God, not Jesus Christ. At that time, when preaching in the church, other people in charge of the church would sit high on the podium facing other ordinary believers. XX said that this is wrong, everyone in the church is a child of God, and everyone is equal. Now there are no directors, cashiers, accountants, etc., these are secular. Now there are only governors, co-workers and ordinary believers.

LC: “Patriotism, love for people, love for God” should be unified, all should be loved. Now it is only advocating “love to teach”. Logically speaking, Christianity is part of the country anyway, and all activities must be consistent with national policies. When I gave suggestions to my colleagues, I was criticized by BK and HN.

BA: A lot of people ask me how many years I have been a Christian. In fact, this church cannot save people. Only Christ Jesus of this Church can save you. My mother has joined the “Three-Self” church for more than ten years, and she knows nothing. In the “Three-Self” church, patriotism is the first priority, and God is the second. What they worship is religion and political power, and what they worship is idols. In house churches, love God first, love country second, and love people third. They worship Jesus Christ. Only this kind of love is holy and pure, and can bring peace to the country and the people.

People from outside came to explain to me that she is Sister XX. It turned out to be Christianity, and he understood the truth after listening to missionaries abroad. “Teaching” cannot get you saved and eternal life, only God is in our hearts. You just asked me how many years I have been a believer. In fact, what I believe in now is a house church, and what I believe in is God, not “religion” [5].

Among the ordinary believers of Nancun Christianity, there are not many who can reach the same level of understanding as BA and other believers. But BA is one of the co-workers of Christianity, they are in the leadership role of the church. They can clearly understand the main difference between the original “Three-Self” Christian churches and the current house churches, that is, they put “divine power” above “secular power”. This kind of understanding is obviously not what they consciously realized, but after the arrival of Pastor XX, they doubted and resisted the national identity symbol represented by Pastor WY. This is an important reason for the profound changes in the value orientation of Nancun Christianity. In the end, Nancun Christianity was placed in a “non-mainstream and marginal position”[3], showing a trend of alienation from the grassroots representatives of the country. Director WY’s personal behavior is only an inducement for Nancun Christian to break away from his work-supervising relationship.

  1. The Social Function and Expansion Mechanism of Christianity
    Charles Y. Glock mentioned that the emergence of sects is related to five “deficiencies”, namely economic deficiencies, social deficiencies, physical deficiencies, ethical deficiencies, and psychological deficiencies [4] 128-130. Judging from the historical process of the spread of Christianity in Guanzhong and the research conclusions of other scholars, there are many similarities with Charles’s point of view [5]. In Nancun and other villages in other regions, most of the peasants play mahjong and cards in their spare time except watching TV, and women rarely participate in similar gambling activities. When farmers were sick for a long time and had no money for medical treatment, they joined Christianity, hoping to seek peace and health. Others are widowed or stay-at-home women. In Nancun, the single agricultural planting structure and outward and scattered economic income make the economic cooperation and mutual needs among farmers not very strong. As Durkham believes, rural society is a mechanically united society, which consists of many similar homogeneous links, and external factors are most likely to invade [6] 139-142. Due to the monotonous life of farmers and poor medical conditions, the actual needs of farmers are diverse. Therefore, in addition to the functions of spiritual comfort and moral education for farmers in rural society, Christianity also has the following functions:

Recreation at leisure. In addition to meeting once every Sunday at Nancun Church, believers usually also hold meetings at their own homes. Such as singing hymns, speaking the Bible and praying together. During Christmas and Spring Festival, believers watch DVDs, learn dances and perform programs.

social interaction. Since the implementation of the household contract responsibility system in rural areas, the market economy has invaded rural society, and the original “different order pattern” among farmers has become “rational” [7]. Therefore, believing in God expanded their circle of life to a certain extent, and promoted communication and interaction among farmers.

cultural transmission. Among the 25 people interviewed randomly by the author in 2004, 16 were originally illiterate. Since they believed in God, they mainly read the Bible and Canaan Poems. The repetition rate of Chinese characters is high and the learning time is relatively long. Know and write many Chinese characters.

Transforming traditional culture: HN, head of Nancun Church, has four sisters and one younger brother, all of whom believe in God one after another. Their father passed away in 2006. According to Christian rules, they decided not to throw paper cones for their father, nor to call them Leren, which is completely different from the way of funeral for other elderly people in the countryside [6]. Afterwards, most of the farmers in the surrounding villages thought: “This is simply a loss to the ancestors and embarrassment to the ancestors.” In addition, fireworks and firecrackers are not allowed in the homes of believers during the Chinese New Year, thinking that this will “invite ghosts.” These are different from the traditional customs and customs in the rural areas of Guanzhong.

By the beginning of 2007, Yinan Village, as the activity center of fixed places of Christianity, had expanded to six nearby administrative villages, and each village had meeting points, including BZ Beizhuang Village, Yyan Village, YZ​Yanzhuang Village, FT Fotou Village, the location of GJ Ganjing Town and GX (belonging to LY Linyou County, Baoji City, BJ). Among them, Yyan Village and GJ Ganjing Town meeting points have built special churches. The person in charge of the Beizhuang Village meeting point in BZ is the younger brother of HN, the person in charge of the Nancun Christian Church, and the daughter of the person in charge of the Yanzhuang Village meeting point in YZ is a co-worker of the Nancun Church. At the same time, the most important channel for increasing the number of church members is through the influence of family members, followed by kinship, and lastly, neighborhood relations. In Nancun Christian Church, more than 20 mothers and daughters believe in religion at the same time, and more than 30 sisters believe in religion together. That is, the network relationship of blood and marriage constitutes the network foundation of Christian culture. In the process of the expansion of the church, the network function of blood relationship and marriage relationship was once again confirmed. The attribute of “different order pattern” in the rural society where peasant believers live still plays an important role [8]26-30. The social functions of Christianity and the attributes of rural society are integrated together, which has played a role in promoting the further spread of Christianity.

  1. The daily operation and practice of “quasi-autonomy”

The process of modern Christianity, initially as a foreign culture, gaining a foothold and spreading in the vast rural society of China is actually a process of its gradual integration and evolution with the rural social culture. As mentioned earlier, Christianity, which was initially directly or indirectly intervened by grassroots representatives of the state, has gradually evolved into a house church with a space for independent activities. How to understand the practice form of Nancun Christian Church needs to be understood and analyzed from its daily operation process.

(1) Activities and ceremonies of daily gatherings

  1. Learn to sing hymns in groups. When worshiping every Sunday, believers do not come every time and arrive on time every time. Generally, there are more people participating in the slack period, and the number of believers is usually between 70 and 80. When they first arrived, all believers stood up, sang hymns in unison, and sang while clapping. The rhythm is well-proportioned and full of melody. Believers with farmers as the main body appear in the daily life scenes of rural society with rare neat and orderly activities. Every believer is gradually integrated into a harmonious, harmonious and joyful atmosphere.

After the hymn, a co-worker randomly leads other believers to pray collectively, and a co-worker in the church recites the prayer.

  1. Preaching: Witnessing. Preaching is the second major part of worship. Among the co-workers, believers who have a certain level of knowledge, are familiar with the Bible and have good eloquence will preach for everyone. According to the author’s observation, one of the preaching believers only went to the fifth grade of elementary school. In the process of preaching, believers who preach sometimes use analogies, give examples, or use parallelism and rhetorical questions. What most believers agree with is “to bear witness”, that is, to give examples of being influenced by God in secular life. After each instance was explained, other believers were amazed.
  2. Prayer: Pray for “sinners”. At this time, all believers closed their eyes and prayed individually. Others fell on their knees, weeping, hoping for divine revelation or punishment for their sins.
  3. Trade unions. The service ends around 12 o’clock, and at the end, the staff of the church often stay behind to collectively discuss how to deal with the church’s recent affairs, which village or which sister’s house that has recently suffered misfortune needs to go to the gathering to pray. In fact, prior to this, HN and other governors had already decided that the meeting was just to announce the result. For example, every summer, HN and others designate individual sisters among the co-workers to go to some churches in Xi’an for exchange and study.

(2) Overall arrangements for large gatherings

Nancun Christian Church meets twice a year, in July of the Gregorian calendar and before and after the Lantern Festival, each time for about three days. The main content is to invite believers from other places to preach for all believers. The transportation expenses of these believers are borne by Nancun Christian Church. Usually during these few days, believers from other nearby meeting places will come. There are also organized believers to learn dance, watch discs and perform programs. The Christian Church has its own 29-inch color TV and disc player. These discs were obtained during the study and exchange in Xi’an, such as “Exodus”, “Ruan Zhiming” and “Science and Religion”.

During the Lantern Festival in 2008, Nancun Christianity invited believers from Jingyang County, JY, and a band composed of about 15 members to perform [7]. These programs are adapted from the “Bible” and “Anthology of Canaan Poems”. There are dances, solos and allegro, in various forms, and the content is easy to understand. Although the roads were muddy after the heavy snow melted, farmers from nearby villages who did not believe in God also came to watch the “lively”. Among them were an 80-year-old man with white hair like snow, young women and young men with babies in their arms, as well as the party secretaries, directors and group leaders of several villages.

During meetings, it is necessary to solve living problems such as food and lodging for believers who come from afar. Therefore, the church has a special person responsible for cooking and fetching water [8]. Firewood, rice, oil, salt, flour, vegetables, meat and eggs are generally brought by believers from their homes on their own initiative, and a small part is purchased through the market. Regarding accommodation, the person in charge of the church will arrange for all the “brothers and sisters” to live in the homes of believers in Nancun Honcun. During this period of expenses, in addition to the usual fundraising, believers from other villages and towns in Y Yongshou County who came to exchange donated 50 yuan or 100 yuan.

During this process, representatives at the grassroots level allowed Christianity to operate normally within a certain range with the acquiescence of “no support, no opposition”. According to church leader HN and other believers, “In the past, people from the United Front Work Department, the Civil Affairs Bureau, and the Three-Self Patriotic Committee came to inspect the gathering, but now they basically don’t come.” The deputy secretary of the Party Committee of GJ Ganjing Town believes: “The number of rural Christian believers The characteristic is that there are more than three, many old people, many women, many illiterates, and its activities are easy to understand, suitable for all ages, and mainly for entertainment, so there is no need to worry about the negative impact of rural Christian churches.” [9] The Civil Affairs Bureau in charge of religion put The distribution of religions in Y Yongshou County is identified as “Western Buddhism and Eastern Religion”. In fact, the author has learned from long-term research that there is only one Buddhism in the west of Yongshou County in Y, while Christianity is widely distributed in the east and west. Y Yongshou County Christian Church and the Civil Affairs Bureau jointly formulated the informer system, the purpose of which is to “understand and grasp the situation of religious activities at the grassroots level” [10], and it is stipulated that each informer must report the situation twice a month. There are no restrictive or punitive measures for Nancun’s conversion from a Christian church to a house church.

The external environment of Nancun Christianity has become more and more relaxed, gradually forming an independent activity space. As long as it continues to serve the needs of farmers in rural areas as spiritual sustenance and comfort, entertainment in leisure time, and social interaction, it will still show a tendency to spread and expand around. The process of Nancun Christian churches spreading to house churches shows that they actively seek contact with the outside world and have acquired a certain degree of “autonomousness” and “self-organization ability”. The reason why Christianity can expand in Nancun and more villages with the help of the above-mentioned network relations, and has a primary organizational form, is the biggest reality that runs through it: Nancun Christian believers formed and developed in the countryside. The first identity of believers is farmers, and secondly That is the identity of a Christian.

Fan Lizhu’s anthropological investigations in Hebei and Shaanxi have shown that “the widespread folk belief activities in rural areas contain a wealth of governance functions for social public welfare activities” [9]. The Nancun Christian Church was jointly established by internal members and outside believers, with little intervention from national grassroots representatives. Although it has a preliminary “autonomous” color, the behavior of believers is only within the scope of the church, and has not entered the wider rural public domain. Believers can “actively and generously donate” in the church, but as farmers, it is difficult to see similar behavior in the collective affairs of the village outside the church. Shi Gaoning also holds the same view on the research on the social service scope of Christian churches. Therefore, the logic of thinking and action of Christian believers in Nancun is not consistent with the logic of peasant identity and action. The root of this contradiction lies in the believers’ peasant attributes.

  1. Conclusion and Discussion

This article examines the origin of Christianity in Nancun, Guanzhong area, and the process of its transformation into a house church. Although it is difficult to infer the practice of rural Christianity in a wider range because of the characteristics of the case study itself, it is not difficult to see from the preliminary research results of this paper that the reason why farmers join Christian churches is that the majority of farmers in rural areas currently have culture, entertainment However, due to the constraints of the service concept and service ability of the grassroots state power, it is difficult to meet the complex and diverse needs of farmers by relying on formal systems and organizations. The social space and psychological needs of farmers are limited. When there is a lack of service subjects, Christianity can just fill in with its own social functions. After that, Christianity took advantage of the geographical and blood relationship of peasant believers in rural society to form a certain ability of self-organization and self-government, and further spread and expanded. In the process, because farmers identified themselves as members of house churches, under the default attitude of “no support, no opposition” from the grassroots representatives of the country, there was almost no direct relationship between house churches and grassroots representatives of the country.

Whether it is Christianity under the guidance of the state or the converted house church, its basic social functions have not undergone fundamental changes. In order to meet the multiple needs of farmers, it embeds the social functions of religion in various institutional functions of the state in the countryside. Embedding is because the fundamental nature of the state and Christianity is different, and the social division of labor and its social functions are also different, and the positive social functions it plays are obviously related to the current shortage of public goods such as culture, education, and medical care provided by the state in the countryside. related. This embedding, therefore, carries with it the initiative of Christianity itself. In the process of Christian believers transforming their identification with political power into identification with theocracy, their own negativity has not been interfered and controlled by the grassroots state power, but has been acquiesced to a certain extent by it. It can be seen from this that the embedding of functions and the alienation of norms together constitute the current practice form of rural Christianity.

Although Christianity has positive social functions, it also has strong conservatism and exclusiveness. “You can donate money to Jesus, but you will not donate money to the public affairs of the village collective, because that is a secular matter.” Obviously, the positive role of rural Christianity is only limited within a limited range, and cannot play a larger role in society. service role. This logic of thinking and behavior of believers reflects the fact that their own identities, that is, the separation and ambiguity of “farmers” and “Christians” exist. At the same time, due to the characteristics of rural believers, the fundamental reason why Christianity is in a marginal and non-mainstream social position is that it is doomed that after Christianity is transformed into a “house church”, the state can tolerate and acquiesce in this “alienated” state. exist. Still starting from the mixed identity of “peasant believers”, although they have a preliminary “self-organization” and “autonomous” color, they are not yet able to develop into the backbone of modern civil society.

“We must actively guide religions to adapt to socialist society. This is a scientific judgment made by our party based on the basic national conditions of the primary stage of socialism and summarizing the successful experience of religious work since the founding of New China. It is the correct direction for the development of religion in our country.” [10] In the current practice of Christianity, if the country cannot provide effective public goods for rural development through formal institutions, the trend of Christianity’s proliferation will continue. Therefore, under the institutional guarantee of new rural construction and the realistic demands of building a harmonious society, the state and Christianity should compete on an equal footing, actively assume the responsibility for the material and cultural needs of the vast number of farmers, and build a modern civil society that is conducive to the budding and The institutional environment for growth, to accommodate the sound development of society with the perfection of the system.

Notes:

[1] During the writing process of this article, the names of places and people have been dealt with, and the responsibility for the article is at your own risk.
【2】Institutional Christianity refers to Christian activity places officially approved by government departments. On the other hand, house churches are meeting places set up by Christian believers themselves, and they have not yet obtained legitimacy.
【3】Refer to: 1982 Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, “Basic Viewpoints and Basic Policies on Religious Issues in my country’s Socialist Period”.
【4】Co-workers: Christians who work in the same way as God generally refer to more devout and faithful believers.
【5】According to the author’s observation, the house where the interviewee lives is about 50 square meters, and there are twenty or thirty small stools in the house. According to them, these are prepared for the gathering of believers. Every Wednesday and Friday night, 20 or 30 people from nearby villages come to the interviewee’s home to pray and worship together.
【6】Wrecking the paper basin is an important and indispensable ceremony for burying the elderly in the Guanzhong area. Generally, the son or other heir of the old man will drop the paper money containing ashes from the top of his head at the intersection of the funeral. Musicians refer to those who play suona and other music for the deceased.
【7】After inviting believers from Jingyang County to form a band to perform in February 2008, Nancun Church decided to form its own band. Roles are assigned according to member registration, and then people are sent to Xi’an to buy musical instruments, which are currently being rehearsed.

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