徐景安与王岐山的关系
1984年3月，由《经济学周报》、《世界经济导报》等单位筹备发起中青年经济工作者讨论会，代表人选按论文水平确定。从1300篇论文中确定会议代表124人。会议筹备工作由张钢等人负责。张钢找王岐山商量，王岐山说：“徐景安了解情况，找他参加。”张钢找到我，我觉得，这是好事啊！
徐景安：我所亲历的改革决策过程
2008-01-16 10:27
中国网
摘要：徐景安：1985年任中国经济体制改革研究所副所长，1987年调深圳任体改委主任、深圳证券交易所副理事长。我是1979年初调到国家计委研究室的。当时，研究人员总共才4个人，两个人研究生产力，两个人研究生产关系，我和魏礼群是研究生产关系的。生产关系研究什么呢？就是研究怎么扩大企业…
我是1979年初调到国家计委研究室的。当时，研究人员总共才4个人，两个人研究生产力，两个人研究生产关系，我和魏礼群是研究生产关系的。生产关系研究什么呢？就是研究怎么扩大企业自主权？打倒四人帮以后，搞拨乱反正。理论界的一些同志认为，社会主义还存在商品交换，还是商品经济。胡乔木写了一篇文章，叫《按客观经济规律办事，实现四个现代化》，提出要尊重价值规律，批评按长官意志，搞瞎指挥。因此，像国家计委这样的部门，都认为要扩大企业自主权。
在国家计委工作，比较了解情况。我发现中央管的计划品种太多了，企业的产供销、人财物全由国家管。企业生产什么、生产多少，都由国家决定。连企业盖个厕所都要国家批准。针对这种情况，我写了一篇文章，题目是《从我国社会条件出发，实行计划调节和市场调节相结合》，认为：“社会主义社会虽然建立了生产资料公有制，但在不同的所有制之间以及同一个所有制中各个经济单位之间仍然存在着经济利益上的差异和矛盾，建立在这种不同的经济利益上之的社会主义经济仍然是商品经济”，因此，既要遵守有计划按比例的经济规律，也要尊重价值规律。为此，“生产计划，实行国家计划与企业自决计划”，“物资供销，采取商品计划贸易和商品自由贸易”，“产品价格，实行固定价格、浮动价格、自由价格”。（1）1979年4月在无锡召开了近400名经济理论工作者参加的价值规律讨论会，我参加了会议，发表了这篇文章，既有一点理论，还有一些设想，影响很好。就是这篇文章，使我步入了改革战线。
一、我国第一份改革总体规划是怎样形成的
1979年7月，国务院财经委成立体制改革研究小组，由张劲夫领导，一开始实际参与这项工作的是国家计委综合司处长柳随年和我，季崇威好像是进出口委的，他不是专职的。我们两个人就开始召开各种座谈会，听取各方面的意见。我印象最深的两个代表人物：一个是蒋一苇，倡导企业本位论，主张以企业为本位，来构建整个体制框架；一个是杨培新，主张改革三大步，扩大企业自主权是一步，第二步是组织专业公司，第三步要发挥银行的作用。当时，对企业本位论这个说法很难接受。尽管我们都认为要扩大企业自主权，但国家承担宏观管理职能，不可能完全按照企业的要求、企业的利益来调节。国家经委的观点就是主张企业本位的。当时，理论工作者还有刘国光，主张“计划调节为主，引入市场机制”。总的理论趋向是，指令性计划不可能取消，要以计划调节为主，但一定要引入市场机制和价值规律。这是一个核心观点。第二个核心观点是对企业的认识。企业是全民所有，就是计划调拨，为什么要引入市场机制，承认价值规律呢？为了改变企业吃大锅饭，干好干坏一个样，恢复了奖金制度，还要进一步实行企业利润留成制度，企业有利润了，就留出一块利润，建立发展基金、福利基金，奖励基金。这样企业就有了自身利益。在理论上概括为“相对独立的商品生产者”，所以国家在管理企业的时候就要引入市场机制。第三个核心观点是，认识到社会需要不断变化、生产结构不断调整，靠单一的国家计划，无法保障经济按比例发展和企业产供销的平衡。我们写出初稿后，由张劲夫主持又开了一系列座谈会。1979年12月3日形成了《关于经济体制改革总体设想的初步意见》。这个设想的革命性意义在于，结束了过去体制历次变动在中央与地方关系上兜圈子、在行政管理办法上动脑筋的做法，而提出了五大改革原则：一是把单一的计划调节，改为计划调节和市场调节相结合，以计划调节为主，注意发挥市场调节的作用；二是把单纯的行政管理经济的办法，改为经济办法与行政办法相结合，以经济办法为主，保持必要的行政手段；三是把企业从行政机构的附属物，改为相对独立的商品生产者，在国家统一领导下扩大企经营管理自主极；四是正确处理中央与地方的关系，从有利于发展社会化大生产的要求出发，划分中央部门与地方的权限，在中央统一领导下，充分发挥地方的积极性；五是正确处理政治思想教育与物质利益的关系，在重视物质利益的同时，要加强政治思想工作，提倡照顾全局利益，发扬共产主义风格。
整个起草过程中，张劲夫没有传达上面什么指示，其中柳随年起了很大的作用，我主要做文字工作。劲夫同志给我留下很深的印象，他和其他国家领导人不一样，他讲着、讲着就会激动起来，离开座会，摊开双手，兜一个圈子，表达自己的思想……他热情奔放，非常有感情色彩，也很平易近人。他当过科学院院长、财政部长、安徽省省委书记，后来当国家经委主任、中央财经领导小组副组长。我对他非常崇敬。
我记得是1980年初在中南海，由李先念主持召开国务院财经会议，讨论这个稿子。这是我第一次参加中央的决策会议。从晚上7点开始，开了一个半小时，大家都不谈正题，在那儿东拉西扯。我很着急，到8点45分，李先念说话了。他说：“这个稿子我看了两遍，都没有看懂。”我心想，这下完了！他都没看懂，怎么通得过啊！紧接着，李先念指着柳随年我们这一些人，说：“他们是中国共产党党员，我相信他们是对党负责的。所以，我建议，这个文件还是先发下去试行。”就这样，通过了！中央的最高决策就这么定下来了。
现在想想，当时会上，没有任何人提反对意见，也没有任何人表示赞同，是可以理解的。来参加会的人，对怎么改革，改什么呀，没有思考过，要他们怎么说啊？弄出一个总体规划来，要他们表态，真是难为他们了。但是这个稿子，能得到小平、陈云的认可，像国家计委、财政部这样的权力部门也没有反对，应该说是不容易的一件事了。
当时，赵紫阳在四川当省委书记，正在做扩大企业自主权试点。据说，他看到这个方案很高兴！中央有这么一个总体设想，他自然很受启发。所以，1980年他调北京担任总理，就把体制改革研究小组这个临时机构改成国务院体制改革办公室。由国务院秘书长杜星垣兼主任，廖季立主持日常工作，薛暮桥名义上没有什么职务，但实际上大事都向他请示。紫阳比较看重的人物，一个是薛暮桥，一个廖季立，一个马洪。成立体改办后，从各方面调人，但正式调入的不是很多，大部分是来自各部委的联络员，像税务局啊，物资部啊，要开会了，就请他们来讨论。
二、关于调整经济结构的决策过程
1980年，紫阳刚当总理，就面临经济调整。打倒四人帮后，经济上要来个快速发展。搞了一个“洋跃进”，引进宝钢等22个大项目，发生财政巨额赤字。所以，赵紫阳当总理，面临的第一个问题，不是改革，而是调整。我写了《要放慢还权还利的步子》，意思是考虑到整个国民经济比例失调、财政赤字，对农村政策的调整和企业改革的步子不能迈得太大。要根据国民经济调整的要求，对改革重作安排。紫阳于1980年11月22日批示：“这是徐景安同志就当前经济改革写的一篇意见书，现印发省长、市长、自治区主席会议一阅。徐景安同志原是国家计委政策研究室研究人员，现在国务院体制改革办公室工作。我认为，他提的建议是有道理的。很值得重视。”后来中央的方针就改成以调整为主，改革要服从调整。
经济调整，就是压缩基本建设规模，求得收支平衡。这样，钢材卖不出去了，机器卖不出去了，水泥卖不出去了，生产就萎缩，收入下降；而人员不得裁减，工资还得照发，支出不能喊少，就会带来新的不平衡，导致恶性循环。于是，我又写了一篇《我国经济摆脱困境的出路何在》：“从国民经济全局来看，我们不得不采取压缩基本建设投资这一措施，这是使国民经济由被动转为主动的关键一着。”“主动压缩这部分生产能力腾出能源、原材料，保证消费资料生产的发展，以增加收入，稳定市场，是继压缩基建投资以后，使经济由被动转为主动的第二关键一着。我们的希望在于消费资料生产的发展，所增加的收入，不仅能弥补压缩生产资料生产所带来的收入的减少，而且能弥补各项补贴、经费等支出的增加，实现财政收支平衡。这样，我们的经济就能转危为安，摆脱困境。”我还对紫阳说，这样做，不仅有经济意义，还有政治意义。长期以来，社会主义国家就是发展重工业，商品匮乏，让老百姓勒紧裤腰带。如果在您的领导下，发展消费品生产，不仅繁荣经济、增加收入，而且商品琳琅满目，这具有重大的政治意义。紫阳于1980年12月22日批示：“暮桥、马洪、季立同志：小徐写的这篇意见，我认为可以由研究中心组织讨论。不仅经济理论工作者，也吸收一些实际工作者参加。然后再把各方面的意见集中起来，提到财经小组。”这样中央前后组织了5次讨论，发了5期简报。
发展消费品生产，从哪儿抓起呢？从大城市抓起。紫阳带我到天津、上海考察，向当地领导介绍说：“我们这次来了个年轻同志，叫徐景安。去年写了一篇《放慢还权还利的步子》，最近又写了一篇《我国经济摆脱困境的出路何在》，我叫经济研究中心围绕他的这篇文章进行讨论。出路何在？薛暮桥同志有个答案，出路在于调整与改革。”（2）紫阳同志最大的特点是感悟能力强，你跟他讲，他很快就听明白，马上用自己的语言表达出来，讲得头头是道，这是他的本事。从天津、上海回来，我就根据他的思想，也补充了我的想法，于1981年4月起草了他在国务院全体会议上的讲话，提出发展与改革的九条意见。这是赵紫阳上台后的第一个施政纲领。后来，国外有评论，认为影响中国经济的三大决策是：一是调整结构，发展轻纺工业。苏联是重工业太重，轻工业太轻，长期调不过来。我们从1980年开始，就发展消费品生产，手表、缝纫机、自行车、冰箱、电视机等“三大件”、“五大件”，就是在这个背景下发展起来的。二是农村承包，三是城市改革。中国是个人口大国，不搞消费品生产，怎么发展经济？这又与改革主要是调动地方中小企业、社队企业、民营经济的积极性相一致。当年北京卖的蛋糕都是硬梆梆的，咬都咬不动。现在市场什么样子，可以说商品琳琅满目了！
三、改革的市场取向是如何确立的
从1980年到1984年，我先后参与起草了八个关于经济体制改革的规划、方案、意见、汇报提纲。1982年成立国家经济体制改革委员会，人员就增加了，机械委也合并过来。由赵紫阳亲自担任主任。薄一波、安志文、廖季立、周太和、童大林等担任副主任，下面设总体规划组、生产组、流通组、试点组等，我是总体规划组处长，负责文件起草工作。
对于改革的方向、目标，认识上有反复。1979年的《总体设想》只是说：“实行计划调节和市场调节相结合”。1980年《关于经济体制改革的初步意见》的提法是：“生产资料公有制占优势、多种经济成并存的商品经济”。1982年《经济体制改革的总体规划》改为：“生产资料公有制存在商品生产和商品交换的计划经济”。1983年《关于当前经济体制改革的几点意见》的提法是：“以计划经济为主、市场调节为辅”。1985年《关于体制改革总体规划研究的汇报提纲》才确定为：“有计划的商品经济”。
这些提法变化的背后反映了一个实质问题，由国家为主组织经济活动的体制要不要改？简单来说，生产经营活动是由国家管，还是企业管？今天看，这算什么问题。当时却是一个大问题。国家通过指令计划、调拨物资、规定价格来控制企业，以确保国家的重点项目、骨干企业的运行。由政府组织企业的产供销，就从中央到省、市、县设立一系列部门，除了计委、经委、财政以外，还有治金、煤炭、机械、电子、纺织、轻工、物资、价格……单机械行业就有一机部到七机部。上述提法的改变，关系多少部门的生死存亡以及权力的分配啊？
当时是两条战线，一条是以小平为首，另一条是以陈云为首。提计划经济，还是商品经济，成为这两股力量较量的一个焦点。1982年底党的十二大报告确定“计划经济为主、市场调节为辅”。而1984年10月十二届三中全会通过的《中共中央关于经济体制改的决定》改为“有计划的商品经济”。这过程中，伴随着意识形态的斗争，邓小平的立场则是摇摆的。1983年由胡乔木、邓力群提出而被小平接受，发起了“反精神污染”的运动。理论界、文艺界反精神污染，开始到波及到我们。大约是1983年9月，由胡启立召集国家计委与国家体改委以及地方和理论界的一些同志，研究改革计划体制。当时，柳随年已升任国家计委副主任，还有魏礼群、余芝芳等，代表计委一方；廖季立是国家体改委副主任，杨启先、我参加，代表体改一方。会议中争论很激烈。１９８３年１０月１２日，在中共十二届二中全会上，邓小平作了题为《党在组织战线和思想战线上的迫切任务》的讲话，提出反精神污染。我关于实行政企分开的观点，杨启先关于有计划按比例规律和价值规律是双胞胎的观点，都被整成“精神污染”。紫阳说：工作讨论中的意见，不能作为精神污染。后来，他又说，经济领域不反精神污染。由于胡耀邦和赵紫阳的联合抵制，这场由胡乔木、邓力群发动的反精神污染，只搞了２８天就结束了。
但是，意识形态的斗争一直在继续。1986年9月28日召开党的十二届六中全会，胡耀邦与胡乔木、邓力群围绕提不提反资产阶级自由化展开了激烈斗争，邓小平站到了胡乔木、邓力群一边，明确提出反资产阶级自由化，要讲十年、二十年。是年12月，北京发生学潮，更坚定了小平反自由化的决心。胡耀邦于1987年l月被迫辞职。反右成为主要倾向，改革停顿下来。特别是1987年要召开党的十三大，如果继续反右，政治路线与组织路线就会全面左转，后果将十分严重。
1987年3月13日，我与李峻联名写信给邓小平，说：“高举坚持四项基本原则和坚持改革、开放两面施帜，反对‘西化’和‘僵化’两种错误倾向，是我党今后长期的任务。当前，突出反对‘西化’倾向是必要的。但从总体上需要对两种倾向的实际危害作出切实的估计。”“存在西化倾向的大多是青年学生和文化工作者一部分人，他们的社会影响不能低估。但他们毕竟不掌管国家的领导权。而存在僵化倾向的，大多是实际掌握领导权的一批干部，他们在一定程度上将左右国家前进的方向。我党的严重历史教训之一就是对上述两种错误倾向没有能作出清醒的、恰当的估计，过分夸大了资本主义复辟的危险性。因此，对两种倾向的实际作用和危害，作出总体上的估计是必要的，以便在突出反对某种倾向时，掌握必要的度，保证我国改革的顺利前进。”信还分析了改革面临的形势，要解决三大难题：一是企业改革，处理好国家与企业的关系；二是价格改革，处理好国家与老百姓的关系；三是机构改革，处理好国家与干部的关系。结论是“改革需要强大的舆论开路和强大的政治力量支撑，才能克服困难，胜利向前。”这封信对于小平判断反左反右，哪一个是主要倾向起了一定作用。1987年7月4日，邓小平在《我国方针政策的两个基本点》的谈话中，就明显转调：“搞现代化建设，搞改革、开放，存在‘左’和右的干扰问题，……最主要的是‘左’的干扰。建国后，从1957年到1978年，我们吃亏都在‘左’。”（3）这为党的十三大召开确定了政治方向。1987年10月赵紫阳在十三大报告中，提出了“国家调节市场，市场引导企业”，中国改革的市场取向得以确立。
四、价格双轨制的决策过程
农村承包，企业改革，都讲利益了。有利就干，无利不干，这是很自然的。价格问题就越来越突出了。比如玻璃，按面积计算价格，那就大量生产薄玻璃；按重量计算价格，就大量生产厚玻璃。我出国做西服需要的毛料，是一个厂特供的。为什么不多生产呢，因为价格太低，工厂不愿生产。由于能源、原材料等基础工业价格太低，加工工业品价格太高，结果基础工业越来越跟不上加工工业的发展。国务院开了很多次会议，讨论价格改革问题。小调解决不了问题，大调经济承受不了。煤炭价格调一点点，电力就要涨价，铁路运输要涨价，企业成本上升，销售价不让动，怎么办？后来想了一个办法，调价以后，谁利润增加了，国家收回来；谁吃亏了，国家再补贴。最后什么结果呢？拿到好处的，国家收不回来；亏损的，国家必须补贴。做了多少方案都行不通。
1984年3月，由《经济学周报》、《世界经济导报》等单位筹备发起中青年经济工作者讨论会，代表人选按论文水平确定。从1300篇论文中确定会议代表124人。会议筹备工作由张钢等人负责。张钢找王岐山商量，王岐山说：“徐景安了解情况，找他参加。”张钢找到我，我觉得，这是好事啊！临开会了，国家体改委和经济研究中心，都不同意我们去。这个会不是国家有关部门召集的，参加有风险。当时，温元凯组织召开了所谓改革者大会，受到中央批评，参加这个会就是改革者，不参加这个会就不是改革者？领导们是出于好心，让我们别参加这个会。可我担任了整个会议的策划工作，讨论题目是我定的，我怎么半路撂挑子呢？我当时是处长，冒着被撤职的危险，去参加会。
1984年9月3-10日，在浙江省德清县召开了中青年经济科学工作者学术讨论会。由于地点是莫干山，也叫“莫干山会议”。会议分七个组，第一组就是价格组。我一直在这个组，田源是价格中心出来的，主张“调”；张维迎是按论文选来的，则主张“放”。他举了一个例子：温度计中的水银柱，气温高了，水银上去了；气温低了，水银就下来。价格就是要按照市场供求关系变化，自动地升降。调价是什么意思呢？不是水银柱，而是铁柱子，要降价就得锯；要加价就得接。他讲的是市场经济的ABC，但当时具有革命性意义。我们过去都是“调”的概念，没有“放”的概念。但价格能全放开吗？华生是研究生院的，他提出“先改后调，改中有调”的思路。当时，吵得热火朝天。
我为会议撰写了第一份报告：《价格改革的两种思路》，考虑到由国家计划供应和统一分配的能源、原材料比重太大，煤炭占50%、钢材占70%，建议采取调放结合、以放为主的方针，先将供求基本平衡的机械、轻工、纺织的价格放开，所需的原料也由计划价改为市场价；随着一个个行业的放开，统配煤、钢材的比重就会缩小，这时较大幅度地提高能源、原材料价格就不会对整个国民经济产生很大冲击。一个个行业的放开，就会出现统配内的计划价与自销的市场价，应配套建立物资市场。这份报告写出来后，我兴奋不已，在杭州西湖边散步时对张钢他们说：“金苹果已长出来了！”果然，报告送上去，1984年9月20日张劲夫就批示：“中青年经济工作者讨论会上，提出的价格改革的两种思路，极有参考价值。”1984年10月10日赵紫阳批示：“价格改革的两种思路很开脑筋。总题目是如何使放、调结合，灵活运用；因势利导，既避免了大的振动，又可解决问题。广东的从改物价管理体制入手；江苏乡镇企业走过的路，协作煤价的下浮；及粮、棉由大量搞超购价的结果带来了比例价，都实质上是放、调结合的成功事例。”这就是我国价格改革实行双轨制的由来。
一种物资两种价格，市场价高于计划价，分配比例逐步缩小，市场份额逐步扩大。价格双轨制，将价格改革的大系统，化为一个个可以操作的小系统，避免了大风险。更具有深刻意义的是，不仅纠正了不合理的价格体系，而且打破了僵硬的价格管理制度，还带动了计划、物资体制的改革。这是对计划经济制度的重大突破，奠定了我国商品经济制度的基础。后来我国的经济改革就是走双轨制道路。所有改革几乎都从试点起步，再一步步推广。在内地不开放的情况下，试办经济特区和沿海开放城市等等。
双轨制的好处是明显的，一下子放开，经济承受不了，观念也接受不了，干部也得培训啊。最重要的是，一直有强大的反对派盯着。旧的一轨保留着，他们好接受，没话说啊！中国搞休克疗法，不用说别的，先把你休克！双轨制也一定会带来问题，这就是新旧体制的矛盾、摩擦、漏洞，腐败也由此而生。价格双轨制催生了中国第一批暴富者。官商结合、倒卖物资，不断将计划内倒到计划外。两极分化、贫富扩大、权力腐败也就从这里开始。
这个问题至今争论不休。反对改革的人说，腐败是改革带来的。我说，没错，腐败和改革同时俱进。每一次市场化改革，都是为资源的掌控者进入市场进行交换带来机会。那怎么办呢？一是不改革；二是全放开；三是先政改；四是搞革命。所谓改革就是赎买，就是承认既得利益，就是买你支持改革。改革就是这么回事！要么就搞革命，革命带来新的掌权者，结果如何还是很难说。腐败是双轨制带来的，经济先改，政改不动，就是双轨制。所以，克服腐败，就要推进全面改革。然而，真的搞政改，还得双轨制。这是我与理论家的区别。搞理论的人，对双轨制深恶痛绝，一种物资两种价格，这在理论上说得通吗？既不是计划理论，又不符市场理论，批得狗屁不如。但中国改革就是这么在计划与市场的夹缝中走过来的。理论家往往追求理论的彻底，但实际生活需要妥协，改革要面对现实。今天中国面临的问题是同样的，政改也必须双轨制，慢慢过渡。
价格双轨制，也带来紫阳用人的双轨制。年轻人提拨了一批，本人从处长升为体改所副所长。体改所成为团结中青年的核心。此后，紫阳每年召开座谈会，既听老同志的意见，也听年轻人的意见。
注释
注1：《经济研究》1979年第5期
注2：赵紫阳1981年2月19日上午和天津市委负责同志的谈话
注3：《邓小平文选》第3卷第248-249
英文翻译
The relationship between Xu Jingan and Wang Qishan
In March 1984, “Economic Weekly”, “World Economic Herald” and other units prepared to launch a seminar for young and middle-aged economic workers, and the representatives were determined based on the level of their papers. 124 conference representatives were identified from 1,300 papers. Zhang Gang and others were responsible for the preparations for the meeting. Zhang Gang approached Wang Qishan for discussion. Wang Qishan said, “Xu Jingan understands the situation and asks him to participate.” When Zhang Gang found me, I thought this was a good thing!
Xu Jingan: The reform decision-making process that I have personally experienced
2008-01-16 10:27
China Net
Abstract: Xu Jingan: In 1985, he served as deputy director of the China Institute of Economic Structural Reform. In 1987, he was transferred to Shenzhen as director of the Economic Reform Commission and vice chairman of the Shenzhen Stock Exchange. I was transferred to the Research Office of the State Planning Commission in early 1979. At that time, there were only four researchers in total, two of them were studying productivity, two were studying production relations, and Wei Liqun and I were studying production relations. What is the study of production relations? Just study how to expand the business…
I was transferred to the Research Office of the State Planning Commission in early 1979. At that time, there were only four researchers in total, two of them were studying productivity, two were studying production relations, and Wei Liqun and I were studying production relations. What is the study of production relations? Is it to study how to expand corporate autonomy? After defeating the Gang of Four, we started to bring order to the chaos. Some comrades in the theoretical circles believe that there is still commodity exchange in socialism, and it is still a commodity economy. Hu Qiaomu wrote an article called “According to Objective Economic Laws and Realizing the Four Modernizations”, proposing to respect the laws of value and criticizing those who follow the will of the superior and blindly give orders. Therefore, departments like the State Planning Commission believe in expanding corporate autonomy.
Working in the State Planning Commission, I know the situation relatively well. I found that there are too many types of plans managed by the central government. The production, supply and marketing of enterprises, as well as people, property and materials are all managed by the state. What companies produce and how much they produce are determined by the state. Even building a toilet in a company requires state approval. In response to this situation, I wrote an article titled “Based on China’s Social Conditions, Implementing the Combination of Planned Regulation and Market Regulation”, arguing that: “Although socialist society has established public ownership of the means of production, among different ownership systems There are still differences and contradictions in economic interests between time periods and between various economic units in the same ownership system. The socialist economy based on such different economic interests is still a commodity economy.” Therefore, it is necessary to abide by the planned The economic law of proportion must also respect the law of value. To this end, “production planning shall implement national plans and enterprise self-determination plans”, “material supply and marketing shall adopt planned trade of commodities and free trade of commodities”, and “product prices shall implement fixed prices, floating prices and free prices”. (1) In April 1979, a seminar on the law of value was held in Wuxi, attended by nearly 400 economic theory workers. I attended the meeting and published this article, which contained a little theory and some assumptions, and had a very good impact. It was this article that made me step into the reform front.
- How my country’s first reform master plan was formed
In July 1979, the Financial and Economic Commission of the State Council established a structural reform research group, led by Zhang Jinfu. The people who actually participated in this work at the beginning were Liu Suinian, director of the General Affairs Department of the State Planning Commission, and me. Ji Chongwei seemed to be from the Import and Export Committee, but he was not Full-time. The two of us started holding various symposiums to listen to opinions from all sides. The two representatives who impressed me most: one is Jiang Yiwei, who advocates enterprise-oriented theory and advocates building the entire institutional framework with enterprises as the basis; the other is Yang Peixin, who advocates three major steps in reform, expanding enterprise autonomy is the first step, and the second step is It is to organize a professional company, and the third step is to play the role of a bank. At that time, it was difficult to accept the idea of enterprise-oriented theory. Although we all believe that the autonomy of enterprises should be expanded, the state assumes macro management functions and cannot fully adjust according to the requirements and interests of enterprises. The point of view of the State Economic Commission is to advocate enterprise-oriented. At that time, theoretician Liu Guoguang also advocated “planned regulation as the mainstay and the introduction of market mechanisms.” The general theoretical trend is that it is impossible to cancel the mandatory plan and focus on planned adjustment, but the market mechanism and the law of value must be introduced. This is a core idea. The second core perspective is the understanding of the enterprise. Enterprises are owned by the whole people and are planned and allocated. Why should we introduce market mechanisms and recognize the law of value? In order to change the situation of enterprises eating from the same big pot and doing everything well and badly, the bonus system has been restored, and the enterprise profit retention system must be further implemented. When an enterprise makes a profit, it will set aside a portion of the profit to establish development funds, welfare funds, and reward funds. In this way, enterprises have their own interests. In theory, it can be summarized as “relatively independent commodity producers”, so the state must introduce market mechanisms when managing enterprises. The third core point of view is to recognize that social needs are constantly changing and production structures are constantly adjusting. Relying on a single national plan cannot guarantee proportional economic development and the balance of enterprise production, supply and marketing. After we wrote the first draft, we held a series of symposiums hosted by Zhang Jinfu. On December 3, 1979, the “Preliminary Opinions on the Overall Concept of Economic System Reform” were formed. The revolutionary significance of this idea is that it puts an end to the practice of going around in circles on the relationship between the central and local governments and using brains on administrative management methods in previous changes in the system, and puts forward five major reform principles: First, change the single plan adjustment to planning Combine regulation with market regulation, focus on planned regulation, and pay attention to the role of market regulation; second, change the method of purely administrative management of the economy to a combination of economic methods and administrative methods, with economic methods as the mainstay, and maintain the necessary Administrative means; the third is to change enterprises from appendages of administrative agencies to relatively independent commodity producers, and expand the autonomy of enterprise management under the unified leadership of the state; the fourth is to correctly handle the relationship between the central and local governments, so as to facilitate the development of society Starting from the requirements of large-scale production, divide the authority of central departments and local governments, and give full play to the enthusiasm of local governments under the unified leadership of the central government; fifth, correctly handle the relationship between political and ideological education and material interests. While paying attention to material interests, we must strengthen political Ideological work advocates taking care of overall interests and carrying forward the communist style.
During the entire drafting process, Zhang Jinfu did not convey any instructions from above. Liu Suinian played a big role, and I mainly did the writing work. Comrade Jinfu left a deep impression on me. He was different from other leaders. He would get excited while talking. He would leave the meeting, spread his hands, and walk in a circle to express his thoughts… He is passionate, very emotional and approachable. He served as president of the Academy of Sciences, minister of finance, secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee, and later director of the National Economic Commission and deputy leader of the Central Financial and Economic Leading Group. I have great respect for him.
I remember that in early 1980, Li Xiannian chaired a State Council financial and economic meeting in Zhongnanhai to discuss this draft. This is my first time to attend a central decision-making meeting. It started at 7 p.m. and lasted for an hour and a half. No one was talking about the main topic and was just talking here and there. I was very anxious, and at 8:45, Li Xiannian spoke. He said: “I read this manuscript twice and didn’t understand it.” I thought to myself, it’s over now! He didn’t even understand, how could he pass! Immediately afterwards, Li Xiannian pointed at Liu Suinian and us and said: “They are members of the Communist Party of China, and I believe they are responsible to the party. Therefore, I suggest that this document should be issued for trial implementation first.” In this way, it was passed. Got it! The central government’s top decision-making was thus finalized.
Thinking about it now, at that meeting, no one raised objections, and no one expressed agreement, which is understandable. The people who came to the meeting have not thought about how to reform or what to reform. What should they say? It is really difficult for them to come up with a master plan and ask them to take a stand. However, it should be said that it was not easy for this manuscript to be recognized by Xiaoping and Chen Yun, and that power departments such as the State Planning Commission and the Ministry of Finance did not object.
At that time, Zhao Ziyang was secretary of the Provincial Party Committee in Sichuan and was conducting a pilot project to expand corporate autonomy. It is said that he was very happy when he saw this plan! The central government had such an overall vision, and he was naturally very inspired. Therefore, when he was transferred to Beijing as Prime Minister in 1980, he changed the temporary organization of the Structural Reform Research Group into the State Council Structural Reform Office. Du Xingyuan, Secretary-General and Director of the State Council, and Liao Jili are in charge of daily work. Xue Muqiao nominally has no position, but in fact, he consults him on all important matters. Among the people Zi Yang values more, one is Xue Muqiao, the other is Liao Jili, and the other is Ma Hong. After the establishment of the Organizational Reform Office, people were transferred from various aspects, but not many were officially transferred. Most of them were liaison officers from various ministries, such as the Taxation Bureau and the Materials Department. When there was a meeting, they were invited to discuss it.
- Decision-making process on adjusting economic structure
In 1980, as soon as Ziyang became prime minister, he faced economic adjustment. After the Gang of Four is overthrown, the economy will develop rapidly. We launched a “foreign leap forward” and introduced 22 major projects such as Baosteel, resulting in a huge fiscal deficit. Therefore, the first problem Zhao Ziyang faced when he became prime minister was not reform, but adjustment. I wrote “We must slow down the pace of repaying power with benefits,” which means that considering the overall imbalance of the national economy and the fiscal deficit, the pace of adjustment of rural policies and enterprise reform cannot be too large. Reforms must be rearranged in accordance with the requirements of national economic adjustment. Ziyang gave instructions on November 22, 1980: “This is an opinion letter written by Comrade Xu Jingan on the current economic reform, which is now issued for reading at the meeting of provincial governors, mayors, and autonomous region chairs. Comrade Xu Jingan was formerly the Policy Research Office of the State Planning Commission Researcher, now working in the Structural Reform Office of the State Council. I think his suggestions are reasonable and worthy of attention.” Later, the central government’s policy was changed to focus on adjustment, and reform must be subject to adjustment.
Economic adjustment means reducing the scale of infrastructure construction and achieving a balance between revenue and expenditure. In this way, steel cannot be sold, machines cannot be sold, cement cannot be sold, production will shrink, and income will drop; but personnel must not be cut, wages must continue to be paid, and expenditures must not be reduced, which will bring about new imbalances. , leading to a vicious cycle. So, I wrote another article “What is the way out of the predicament of our economy”: “From the overall perspective of the national economy, we have to take the measure of reducing investment in capital construction. This is the key to turning the national economy from passive to active. “Proactively compressing this part of production capacity to free up energy and raw materials to ensure the development of consumer goods production to increase income and stabilize the market is the second key to turning the economy from passive to active after reducing infrastructure investment. Our hope lies in the development of consumption means production. The increased income can not only make up for the decrease in income caused by the compression of production means, but also make up for the increase in various subsidies, funds and other expenditures, and achieve a balanced fiscal balance. . In this way, our economy can turn the corner and get out of trouble.” I also told Ziyang that doing so has not only economic significance, but also political significance. For a long time, socialist countries have only developed heavy industry and lacked commodities, forcing people to tighten their belts. If under your leadership, the production of consumer goods is developed, not only the economy will be prosperous, income will be increased, but also a wide range of goods will be available, this will be of great political significance. Ziyang gave instructions on December 22, 1980: “Comrades Mu Qiao, Ma Hong, and Ji Li: I think this opinion written by Xiao Xu can be organized and discussed by the research center. Not only economic theory workers, but also some practical workers Participate. Then we will gather the opinions from all aspects and refer them to the financial and economic group.” In this way, the central government organized 5 discussions and issued 5 briefings.
Where to start to develop the production of consumer goods? Start with the big cities. Ziyang took me to Tianjin and Shanghai for inspection, and introduced to the local leaders: “We have a young comrade here this time, named Xu Jing’an. Last year he wrote an article “Slowing down the pace of repaying power for benefits”, and recently he wrote another “What is the way out for China’s economy to get out of trouble?” I asked the Economic Research Center to discuss his article. Where is the way out? Comrade Xue Muqiao has an answer. The way out lies in adjustment and reform.” (2) Comrade Ziyang’s biggest characteristic is his perception. He is very capable. If you tell him something, he will quickly understand it and immediately express it in his own language. He can speak clearly and logically. This is his ability. After returning from Tianjin and Shanghai, I drafted his speech at the plenary session of the State Council in April 1981, based on his thoughts and supplementing my own thoughts, proposing nine opinions on development and reform. This is Zhao Ziyang’s first policy agenda after taking office. Later, there were comments from abroad that the three major decisions affecting China’s economy were: First, adjusting the structure and developing the light textile industry. The Soviet Union was too heavy on heavy industry and too light on light industry, and it would not be possible to adjust them in the long run. We have been developing consumer goods production since 1980. The “three big items” and “five big items” such as watches, sewing machines, bicycles, refrigerators, and televisions were developed under this background. The second is rural contracting, and the third is urban reform. China is a country with a large population. How can it develop its economy if it does not engage in the production of consumer goods? This is consistent with the fact that the reform mainly focuses on mobilizing the enthusiasm of local small and medium-sized enterprises, commune and team enterprises, and the private economy. The cakes sold in Beijing back then were so hard that you couldn’t even bite them. What is the market like now? It can be said that there are a wide variety of products!
- How is the market orientation of reform established?
From 1980 to 1984, I participated in drafting eight plans, plans, opinions, and reporting outlines on economic system reform. In 1982, the National Economic Structural Reform Commission was established, the number of personnel increased, and the Machinery Commission was also merged. Zhao Ziyang personally serves as the director. Bo Yibo, An Zhiwen, Liao Jili, Zhou Taihe, Tong Dalin and others serve as deputy directors. Below are the overall planning group, production group, circulation group, pilot group, etc. I am the director of the overall planning group and am responsible for document drafting.
There are repeated understandings of the direction and goals of reform. The “Overall Vision” of 1979 only said: “implement a combination of planned regulation and market regulation.” The “Preliminary Opinions on the Reform of the Economic System” in 1980 was formulated as: “a commodity economy in which public ownership of the means of production dominates and a variety of economies coexist.” In 1982, the “Overall Plan for Economic System Reform” was changed to: “Public ownership of the means of production exists in a planned economy of commodity production and commodity exchange.” The 1983 “Some Opinions on the Reform of the Current Economic System” stated: “Planned economy should be the mainstay and market regulation should be supplemented.” In 1985, the “Report Outline on the Overall Planning Research on System Reform” was defined as: “Planned Commodity Economy”.
Behind these changes in formulation reflects a substantive issue: Should the system in which the state primarily organizes economic activities be changed? To put it simply, are production and business activities managed by the state or by enterprises? Looking at it today, this is no problem. It was a big problem at the time. The state controls enterprises by commanding plans, allocating materials, and stipulating prices to ensure the operation of key national projects and key enterprises. The government organizes the production, supply and marketing of enterprises, and sets up a series of departments from the central government to provinces, cities, and counties. In addition to the Planning Commission, Economic Commission, and Finance, there are also metallurgy, coal, machinery, electronics, textiles, light industry, materials, and pricing. …In the machinery industry alone, there are from one to seven machine departments. How does the change in the above formulation affect the life and death of many departments and the distribution of power?
There were two fronts at that time, one was headed by Xiaoping and the other was headed by Chen Yun. Whether to promote a planned economy or a commodity economy has become a focus of the contest between these two forces. The report of the 12th National Congress of the Communist Party of China at the end of 1982 determined that “planned economy should be the mainstay and market regulation should be supplemented.” And October 1984
The “Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Economic System Reform” passed by the Third Plenary Session of the 12th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was changed to “planned commodity economy.” During this process, along with the ideological struggle, Deng Xiaoping’s position vacillated. In 1983, it was proposed by Hu Qiaomu and Deng Liqun and accepted by Xiaoping, who launched the “anti-spiritual pollution” movement. The anti-spiritual pollution in the theoretical and literary circles has begun to affect us. Around September 1983, Hu Qili convened some comrades from the State Planning Commission and the State Restructuring Commission as well as local and theoretical circles to study the reform of the planning system. At that time, Liu Suinian had been promoted to deputy director of the State Planning Commission, and Wei Liqun, Yu Zhifang, etc., represented the Planning Commission side; Liao Jili was the deputy director of the State Restructuring Commission, and Yang Qixian and I participated, representing the restructuring side. There was a lot of debate in the meeting. On October 12, 1983, at the Second Plenary Session of the 12th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Deng Xiaoping delivered a speech entitled “The Party’s Urgent Tasks on the Organizational and Ideological Fronts” and proposed combating spiritual pollution. My views on the separation of government and enterprises, and Yang Qixian’s views on the twins of the law of planned proportion and the law of value, have been labeled as “spiritual pollution.” Ziyang said: Opinions in work discussions cannot be used as mental pollution. Later, he said that spiritual pollution is not against the economic field. Due to the joint boycott of Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, the anti-spiritual pollution campaign launched by Hu Qiaomu and Deng Liqun ended in only 28 days.
But the ideological battle continues. The Sixth Plenary Session of the Twelfth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was held on September 28, 1986. Hu Yaobang, Hu Qiaomu and Deng Liqun launched a fierce struggle over whether to mention anti-bourgeois liberalization. Deng Xiaoping sided with Hu Qiaomu and Deng Liqun and clearly proposed anti-bourgeois liberalization. Liberalization will take ten or twenty years. In December of that year, a student unrest broke out in Beijing, which further strengthened Xiaoping’s determination to oppose liberalization. Hu Yaobang was forced to resign in January 1987. Anti-rightism became the main trend, and reform came to a halt. Especially when the Thirteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China is to be held in 1987, if the anti-rightist movement continues, the political and organizational lines will completely turn to the left, and the consequences will be very serious.
On March 13, 1987, Li Jun and I jointly wrote a letter to Deng Xiaoping, saying: “It is my duty to hold high the banner of adhering to the Four Basic Principles and adhering to reform and opening up, and to oppose the two wrong tendencies of ‘Westernization’ and ‘rigidity’ The party’s long-term tasks in the future. At present, it is necessary to highlight the opposition to ‘Westernization’ tendencies. But on the whole, it is necessary to make a realistic estimate of the actual harm of the two tendencies.” “Most of the people with Westernization tendencies are young students and cultural workers. People, their social influence cannot be underestimated. But after all, they do not hold the leadership of the country. Most of those who have a tendency to become rigid are a group of cadres who actually hold leadership, and they will, to a certain extent, influence the direction of the country. Our party One of the serious historical lessons of the Communist Party of China is that it failed to make a clear and appropriate assessment of the above two erroneous tendencies and over exaggerated the danger of capitalist restoration. Therefore, it is necessary to make an overall assessment of the actual effects and harms of the two tendencies. It is necessary to grasp the necessary degree when opposing a certain tendency and ensure the smooth progress of our country’s reform.” The letter also analyzed the situation faced by the reform and needed to solve three major problems: First, enterprise reform, properly handle the state and the The relationship between enterprises; the second is price reform, to properly handle the relationship between the state and the people; the third is institutional reform, to properly handle the relationship between the state and cadres. The conclusion is that “reform requires strong public opinion to open the way and strong political support in order to overcome difficulties and move forward victoriously.” This letter played a certain role in Xiaoping’s judgment of which was the main tendency to oppose the left and the right. On July 4, 1987, Deng Xiaoping clearly changed his tone in his speech on “Two Basic Points of Our Country’s Principles and Policies”: “In carrying out modernization, reform, and opening up, there is the problem of interference between the ‘left’ and the right… In the end, The main thing is the interference of the ‘Left’. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, from 1957 to 1978, we suffered all the losses from the ‘Left’.” (3) This set the political direction for the Thirteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China. In his report to the Thirteenth National Congress in October 1987, Zhao Ziyang proposed that “the state regulates the market and the market guides enterprises”, establishing the market orientation of China’s reform.
- Decision-making process of dual-track price system
Rural contracting and enterprise reform all focus on interests. It is natural to do it if it is beneficial and not to do it if it is not beneficial. The price issue has become more and more prominent. For example, if the price of glass is calculated by area, thin glass will be produced in large quantities; if the price is calculated by weight, thick glass will be produced in large quantities. The wool I needed to make suits when I went abroad was specially supplied by a factory. Why not produce more, because the price is too low and factories are unwilling to produce. Because the prices of basic industries such as energy and raw materials are too low and the prices of processed industrial products are too high, basic industries are increasingly unable to keep up with the development of processing industries. The State Council has held many meetings to discuss price reform. The minor key cannot solve the problem, and the major key cannot bear the economic burden. If the price of coal is adjusted a little, the price of electricity will rise, the price of railway transportation will rise, the cost of enterprises will rise, and the sales price will not budge. What should we do? Later, I thought of a way. After the price adjustment, whoever’s profit increases will be taken back by the state; whoever suffers a loss, the state will subsidize it. What’s the final result? If you get benefits, the state cannot take them back; if you make losses, the state must subsidize them. No matter how many plans I tried, it didn’t work.
In March 1984, “Economic Weekly”, “World Economic Herald” and other units prepared to launch a seminar for young and middle-aged economic workers, and the representatives were determined based on the level of their papers. 124 conference representatives were identified from 1,300 papers. Zhang Gang and others were responsible for the preparations for the meeting. Zhang Gang approached Wang Qishan for discussion. Wang Qishan said, “Xu Jingan understands the situation and asks him to participate.” When Zhang Gang found me, I thought this was a good thing! The meeting was about to begin, but neither the National Restructuring Commission nor the Economic Research Center allowed us to go. This meeting is not convened by the relevant national department, and there are risks in participating. At that time, Wen Yuankai organized a so-called reformers’ conference, which was criticized by the central government. If you participate in this conference, you are a reformer, but if you don’t participate in this conference, you are not a reformer? The leaders had good intentions and asked us not to attend this meeting. But I was in charge of planning the entire meeting and decided the topic of discussion. Why did I give up the idea halfway? I was the director of the department at the time and risked being dismissed from my post to attend the meeting.
From September 3 to 10, 1984, an academic seminar for young and middle-aged economic scientists was held in Deqing County, Zhejiang Province. Because the location is Mogan Mountain, it is also called the “Mogan Mountain Meeting”. The meeting is divided into seven groups, the first group is the price group. I have always been in this group. Tian Yuan came from the Price Center and advocated “adjustment”; Zhang Weiying was selected based on his thesis and advocated “releasing”. He gave an example: the mercury column in a thermometer. When the temperature is high, the mercury goes up; when the temperature is low, the mercury goes down. Prices will automatically rise and fall in accordance with changes in market supply and demand. What does price adjustment mean? It is not a mercury pillar, but an iron pillar. If you want to reduce the price, you have to saw it; if you want to increase the price, you have to pick it up. What he talked about was the ABC of market economy, but it was revolutionary at the time. In the past, we only had the concept of “adjusting” and not “releasing”. But can all prices be liberalized? Watson is from the graduate school. He put forward the idea of ”change first and then adjust, and adjust during the change.” At that time, the noise was in full swing.
I wrote the first report for the meeting: “Two Ideas for Price Reform”. Considering that the proportion of energy and raw materials supplied and uniformly distributed by the national plan is too large, with coal accounting for 50% and steel accounting for 70%, it is recommended to adopt adjustments In combination with the policy of focusing on liberalization, we will first liberalize the prices of machinery, light industry, and textiles where supply and demand are basically balanced, and the required raw materials will also be changed from planned prices to market prices; as each industry is liberalized, unified allocation The proportion of coal and steel will shrink. At this time, a substantial increase in the price of energy and raw materials will not have a great impact on the entire national economy. With the liberalization of each industry, there will be planned prices within the unified distribution and self-sold market prices, and a material market should be established to support them. After writing this report, I was so excited that I told Zhang Gang and others while walking by the West Lake in Hangzhou: “The golden apple has grown!” Sure enough, the report was sent, and on September 20, 1984, Zhang Jinfu gave the instruction: “China The two ideas for price reform put forward at the symposium of young economic workers are of great reference value.” Zhao Ziyang commented on October 10, 1984: “The two ideas for price reform are very thought-provoking. The general topic is how to use liberalization , combined with adjustments, and used flexibly; taking advantage of the situation can not only avoid major shocks, but also solve problems. Guangdong’s starting from reforming the price management system; the path taken by Jiangsu’s township enterprises, cooperating with the decline of coal prices; and the large amount of grain and cotton The result of over-purchase prices is proportional prices, which are essentially successful cases of combining deregulation and adjustment.” This is the origin of the dual-track system of price reform in our country.
There are two prices for one material. If the market price is higher than the planned price, the distribution ratio will gradually shrink and the market share will gradually expand. The dual-track price system transforms the large system of price reform into small operable systems, thus avoiding major risks. What is even more profound is that it not only corrected the unreasonable price system, but also broke the rigid price management system, and also promoted the reform of the planning and material systems. This was a major breakthrough in the planned economic system and laid the foundation for our country’s commodity economic system. Later, my country’s economic reform followed a dual-track path. Almost all reforms start with pilot projects and are then promoted step by step. While the mainland is not opening up, pilot special economic zones and coastal open cities, etc.
The benefits of the dual-track system are obvious. If we let it go all at once, the economy cannot bear it, the ideas cannot be accepted, and cadres must be trained. Most importantly, there is always a strong opposition watching. The old track is retained. They accept it easily and have nothing to say! China uses shock therapy. Needless to say, it will shock you first! The dual-track system will definitely bring about problems, which are the contradictions, frictions, and loopholes between the old and new systems, and corruption will arise from this. The dual-track price system gave birth to China’s first batch of extremely rich people. The government and businessmen combined to resell supplies, constantly transferring what was planned to what was not planned. This is where polarization, the expansion of rich and poor, and the corruption of power begin.
This issue is still debated. Opponents of reform say corruption is a result of reform. I said, yes, corruption and reform go hand in hand. Every market-oriented reform brings opportunities for resource controllers to enter the market for exchange. then what should we do? The first is no reform; the second is total liberalization; the third is political reform first; the fourth is revolution. The so-called reform means redemption, recognition of vested interests, and buying your support for reform. That’s what reform is all about! Either make a revolution, and the revolution will bring new people in power. It’s still hard to say what the outcome will be. Corruption is caused by the dual-track system. The economy is reformed first, but the political reform is not carried out. This is a dual-track system. Therefore, to overcome corruption, we must promote comprehensive reforms. However, to really carry out political reform, a two-track system is required. This is the difference between me and the theorists. Theorists hate the dual-track system. One kind of goods has two prices. Does this make sense in theory? It is neither a planning theory nor a market theory, and has been criticized as nothing more than bullshit. But this is how China’s reform has passed through the cracks between planning and the market. Theorists often pursue theoretical thoroughness, but real life requires compromise, and reform must face reality. The problems facing China today are the same, and political reform must also be a dual-track system with a slow transition.
The dual-track price system also brings about Ziyang’s dual-track employment system. A group of young people were promoted, and I was promoted from director to deputy director of the Institution of Restructuring. The Institute of Physical Reform has become the core of uniting young and middle-aged people. Since then, Ziyang has held symposiums every year to listen to the opinions of both old comrades and young people.
Comment
Note 1: “Economic Research” Issue 5, 1979
Note 2: Zhao Ziyang’s conversation with the responsible comrades of the Tianjin Municipal Party Committee on the morning of February 19, 1981
Note 3: “Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping” Volume 3 No. 248-249