Contents
编者按：
1、虽然都是共匪，但是1993年，省委常委“选举”还能差额一人，不知道现在还有没有差额。如果没有，说明中国的“民主”程度比1993年都在倒退。
2、上面是细节。这篇文章写的很好，所以我转发，山东就是李鹏和田纪云的代理人之争。当然了，原文作者的见识就到此为止。其实，李鹏和田纪云背后是邓小平和陈云之争。邓小平和陈云的权力斗争再加上所谓的石油帮胡耀邦和江泽民就是1978年到2024年的中国的全部历史。其实就是毛泽东时代的三大派系，毛泽东，周恩来，刘少奇。到了邓小平时代，还是三大派系。胡耀邦和江泽民继承了毛泽东的温和派华国锋的政治势力。邓小平是毛泽东时代就有的人物，陈云李鹏继承了周恩来的政治势力。说一个很简单的常识就行了，毛泽东作为中共黑帮的创始人，他的政治势力不可能完全消失。邓小平和赵紫阳的权力之争是幻象，或者说是表象，是干扰项。会干扰我们理解中国的历史。邓小平和赵紫阳是中了陈云离间之计，后来，邓小平明白了，三次请赵紫阳复出。三顾茅庐嘛，三次说明邓小平是真心的。江胡斗也是表象，或者说干扰项，干扰我们理解中国的历史。实质是朱镕基在挑拨离间。邓小平和陈云争执不下，有了第三派江泽民接班。江泽民和胡锦涛争执不下，有了第三派习近平接班。
话说山东（一） 两大势力的代理人之争
by nsh1993(2005-01-03 00:25:49)
说到山东，必说田纪云。
田纪云是山东肥城人，而肥城属泰安管辖，田纪云早年在山东从事“革命”工作，后南下贵州，再调至四川，从而成为时任四川省委第一书记赵紫阳的心腹大将。赵紫阳升任总理后，于1981年调田纪云进京任国务院副秘书长，仅两年后即高升为国务院副总理兼国务院秘书长，1985年后更成为中共中央政治局委员、中央书记处书记，并担任中央财经领导小组副组长，可谓权顷一时。虽然田纪云走出山东已三十余年，但心里却一直“惦念”着家乡的发展，身居高位后，更是十分关注山东的情况，对于作为故乡的泰安地区更是格外“照顾”，经常回“老家”视察。他还将自己的弟弟田健从贵州省调回山东任省委副秘书长兼办公厅主任，后又历任省委统战部部长、省政协副主席、党组副书记，直到1998年4月退休。
泰安也是当时另一位副总理万里的家乡（万里是泰安东平县人），因为这层关系，田纪云与万里的关系也比较密切。
作为中央领导家乡的“父母官”，时任泰安地委书记的马忠臣（土生土长的泰安人）在这两座“大山”的庇护之下，得以步步高升，是在1982年中共“十二大”时就成为中央候补委员（当时46岁），是山东政坛的“少壮派”。1985年，当时还相对落后的泰安“破格”撤地建市，原地委书记马忠臣成为市委书记，原县级泰安市委书记宋法棠出任地级泰安市市长。随后，马忠臣开始在仕途上大踏步前进，1986年3月任山东省政府副秘书长、办公厅党组副书记，同年5月升任山东省副省长、党组副书记兼省政府秘书长（宋法棠接任泰安市委书记）。此时的山东省省长则是中央正派的、原万里的老部下李昌安。
1987年中央政局“突变”，胡耀邦下赵紫阳上，此时高层的权力天平是比较朝赵紫阳、万里、田纪云这一边倾斜的，田纪云大有出任下任总理的架势。为配合换届的需要，田纪云于1987年4月急调马忠臣进京任国务院副秘书长、机关党组副书记（由于有人从中作梗而未能到职，编者按：猜测是陈云派系的人，具体是谁？可能是李鹏），两个月后，马忠臣又重回山东继续担任副省长。于是，田纪云改调李昌安回京任国务院副秘书长，山东省省长由当时的省委副书记兼济南市委书记姜春云（编者按：姜春云是陈云朱镕基派系的，姜春云和金人庆张育军畏罪自杀，同一天离奇死亡。参见朱镕基与习近平暗杀名单）接任。
1987年10月在中共“十三大”人事定案，（编者按：陈云接替邓小平担任中顾委主任，当时中顾委才是中国的最高权力机构）李鹏晋级政治局常委并随后出任代总理（次年真除），田纪云仍为政治局委员并继续任副总理，但只分管农业，实力大不如前。从此，山东的局面也随之迅速转向，最明显的表现就是马忠臣的失势和赵志浩的“突起”。
赵志浩，1931年生，山东龙口人，1983年至1985年曾任山东省委办公厅主任，深得山东地方元老的“赏识”，后下派担任工业大市——淄博市委书记。
1988年1月山东省七届人大一次会议召开，选举结果是：省长姜春云，副省长马忠臣、马世忠、谭庆琏、赵志浩、李春亭。此时赵志浩还只是排名第四位的副省长。
1988年12月中共山东省委召开第五次代表大会，姜春云接替时年已67岁的梁步庭出任省委书记，由于当时全国都搞机构精减，所以副书记只设两名，分别是马忠臣和赵志浩（赵志浩只有10个月的副省级资历，显然是跃升）。马忠臣身为省委副书记（排第一）、常务副省长，又是两届中央候补委员（赵不是），接任省长本应顺理成章，但高层（陈云、李鹏）为了阻止他接任，故意让姜春云再兼任一段省长，以增加赵志浩的资历。
1989年2月，马忠臣辞去兼任的副省长，专任省委常务副书记。同年3月山东省七届人大二次会议召开，赵志浩正式接替了姜春云出任山东省省长，但作为省委副书记仍旧排在马忠臣之后，这在全国来说都属少见（极个别特殊省区除外）。在这次会议上，宋法棠等人被补选为副省长，也相当于取得一定的平衡。
至此，马忠臣在山东已很难再呆下去，于是在1990年11月被分管农业的田纪云调任农业部副部长、党组副书记，中共十四大上仍旧只是连任中央候补委员。直到1992年12月才有机会调任农业大省——河南省当省长，之后又苦等了五年多才升任河南省委书记。（编者按：后来的王国生也是调河南，可能也是赵紫阳派系的）在中共十五大上，曾连续担任了三届中央候补委员的马忠臣终于当上了一届中央委员。
顺便说一句，正是出于上述原因，田纪云才将自家的后生田承忠（编者按：田纪云三弟田纪震之子，曾经湖北副省长，湖北人大副主任）安排在河南发展。
继马忠臣之后，“泰安系”的另一重要代表人物宋法棠（籍贯临沂郯城）也经历了与马忠臣类似的情况，先是发展得很顺利，从1989年担任山东省副省长起，几年间就先后升任省委常委、副省长，省委副书记、副省长、常务副省长，第十五届中央候补委员，但终究没能当上山东省的省长，只叹冯唐易老，无奈之下，只好远走他乡，出关到最北的黑龙江省任省长、省委书记。
以上事件相关资料请参考历年《山东年鉴》。
话说山东（二） 大起大落韩寓群
by nsh1993(2005-01-03 00:27:05)
由于有关事件的内情至今仍未得到答案，我原本想晚些时候再发表此文，但鉴于有同好“催稿”，现决定先发表出来部分内容，待获得更多信息后再做补充，当然这需要大家的共同帮助。
2003年1月山东省人大换届前夕，关于谁将出任山东省省长的猜测遍布于网际，吴爱英、孙淑义、姜大明、林廷生等名字都曾被大家考虑在内，也不排除中央外派他人的可能性。但是结果出乎所有人的意料，当时已不是省委常委（甚至连省委委员也已不是了）的韩寓群突然“回锅”，被中央重新任命为中共山东省委委员、常委、副书记，并随后接替张高丽出任山东省代省长。就这样，本已内定退居二线的他“一不小心”就当省长了。 其实，此次“意外”对于韩寓群来说已经不算是什么“意外”了，因为在他的从政生涯里，曾有过几次“大起大落”。
（一）早期的平步青云
韩寓群自1968年7月在山东济宁洗涤剂厂参加工作起，历经13年，从技术员一路升为厂长，是技术干部的典型。从新华网山东频道提供的其早年部分相片中我们不难发现，韩寓群的确是一个勤劳朴实、“短小精干”的人才，给人留下很好的印象。八十年代初全国干部年轻化时，很多企业出身、有学历、懂技术的年轻厂长被作为“梯队”培养对象选拔到各级党委、政府任职。韩寓群很幸运地赶上这次机遇，于1983年出任济宁市委副书记，1986年又升任济宁市市长（接王渭田），1991年任济宁市委书记（接王玉玺）。
（二）副省长差额落选
1993年4月山东省八届人大一次会议召开，这次换届关于省政府的具体人事安排是：省政府暂配正副省长8名，空缺党外副省长1名。提出省长候选人1名，副省长候选人8名（实选7名）。具体名单是：赵志浩，现任省长，继续提名为省长候选人；现任副省长中，继续提名的4名：李春亭、张瑞凤、宋法棠、王建功；新提名的4名：现任省委常委、政法委书记陈建国，中央候补委员、省妇联主任吴爱英，省政府秘书长王玉玺，济宁市委书记韩寓群。很明显，韩寓群是省委安排的副省长陪榜候选人，选举结果，韩寓群“顺利”落选。在此后召开的省人大常委会会议上，韩寓群被任命为省经委主任（接邵桂芳）。
（三）“意外”当选省委常委
1993年11月中共山东省第六次党代会召开，在六届一次全委会议上列为省委常委候选人的是：姜春云、赵志浩、李春亭、李文全、韩喜凯、谭福德、刘国福、俞正声、宋法棠、董凤基、陈建国、刘洪仁、孙淑义、韩寓群（差额一人）。很明显，韩寓群又是省委安排的陪榜候选人。但此次选举结果出现了“意外”——书记：姜春云；副书记：赵志浩、李春亭、李文全、韩喜凯；常委：谭福德、刘国福、俞正声、宋法棠、董凤基、陈建国、孙淑义、韩寓群。“内定”连任常委的刘洪仁“意外”落选。刘洪仁原任菏泽地委书记，1992年12月任山东省总工会主席、党组书记，1993年3月才被任命为山东省委常委，1993年8月在山东省工会第十次代表大会上刚刚当选为省总工会第十届委员会主席。刘洪仁落选之后被迫改任省政协党组成员，1994年3月任省政协副主席，其任职省委常委只有短短的8个月。托刘洪仁的鸿福，韩寓群当选为省委常委。
（四）仕途上的“尴尬”时期
由于韩寓群是“意外”当选省委常委的，因此在这之后的几年对他来说是一段“尴尬”时期。韩寓群此时任省经委主任也只有7个月时间，现在身份“突然”变成了省委常委，显然不再适合继续担任此职，但其他位置又已“满员”，只好“屈就”省委统战部部长（在山东，没有统战部长进省委常委的惯例，韩寓群也因此成为近二十年来山东政史上唯一一位当过常委的统战部长）。到了1995年6月，韩寓群转任山东省副省长、省政府党组成员，在八位副省长（宋法棠、陈建国、张瑞凤、吴爱英、王玉玺、韩寓群、邵桂芳、杜世成）中排名第六位。就这样，韩寓群仕途中短暂的第一回“常委”生涯结束了。
（五）第二次担任省委常委
时光不知不觉又过去了五年，到了2000年3月，山东省委副书记、常务副省长宋法棠出仕黑龙江，韩寓群才又一次出任山东省委常委，并兼任常务副省长。
（六）内定退居二线
好景不长，为了配合党的“十六大”，本应于2003年底召开的中共山东省第八次党代会提前一年半于2002年6月举行。按照副省级干部任职年龄的规定，韩寓群（时年59岁）将在第二年的人代会上从政府系统退至人大任职，于是在此次党代会上没有继续被提名为省委委员，自然也就卸任了省委常委一职，只留任常务副省长。也就是说，由于党代会提前一年半召开，韩寓群的第二回“常委”生涯从理论上讲也就被缩减了一年半，总计两年零三个月。
（七）应作为结尾的开头
韩寓群的第三回“常委”生涯，也是其从政生涯中的第三次“意外”，请大家回头看本文第一段。
（三）姜春云、赵志浩、李春亭为代表的“胶东帮”
想起前些年的海外媒体，常常对“山东帮”的问题大惊小怪。不错，政坛上的山东人较多，可是如果以此就简单把所有山东籍贯和在山东工作过的干部将领统统归为“山东帮”，就不合适了。山东人比较抱团，却并非彼此之间就没有矛盾和问题。同时为中央军委副主席的山东人张万年、迟浩田就没被说事了？恰恰是同样的媒体却经常报道和臆测两人的矛盾。可见，简单按籍贯分类的方法实在太不严格了。 但不可否认，山东人在政坛上是比较活跃的。这里讲的山东人，包括籍贯是山东的或在山东长期工作过的。前者象nsh1993兄说到的万里、田纪云，后者象吴官正、张高丽，更多的是两者兼而有之的象谷牧、姜春云。无论如何，在上世纪80年代末起，山东政局起伏的背后，我们以不严格的眼光去追寻，仍然能看到几条暗线。以姜春云、赵志浩、李春亭为代表的“胶东帮”，在相当长时间内把持着山东政局，所谓的山东帮其实主要领导的出身是在胶东。山东帮无从谈起的话，胶东干部主政却是事实。但即使在胶东，也有俞正声这样的“异类”（编者注：此处作者似乎在暗示俞正声不属于姜春云派系，不属于陈云朱镕基习近平派系）。 nsh1993兄在（一）中讲述的山东“两大势力”，其实在中央是指与李鹏前总理和田纪云前副总理，在地方则是指的与李鹏走的较近的胶东，和与田纪云较近的鲁中鲁南地方，不严谨的说，可以看作中央高层到地方的映射。（编者按：李鹏和田纪云在山东的政治斗争，其实背后就是陈云与邓小平的斗争。） 刚才说过，按地域籍贯分类是不太合适的，但为了简单说明问题，还是采用了这个说法。而在说胶东与鲁南的地方之争之前，还是让我们先看看他们的地理文化特点，回头再介绍中央。
（三）之补丁2 齐鲁青未了
从略。此段似乎与主题无关
（三）之补丁3 崛起的胶东
从略。此段似乎与主题无关
（三）之补丁4 风雨天际云（ 田纪云）
(2005-01-03 00:29:26)
终于可以言归正传，接着n兄的话题讲下去了。这里暂且抛开山东人事，先讲讲田纪云副委员长本人。 田纪云，山东肥城人，生于1929年，1949年后的地方工作经历却是在西南。在四川时与一把手赵紫阳工作配合得好，配合农业经济和扩大企业自主权的财税改革很得人心，与赵紫阳的关系也非比寻常。1980年赵紫阳入主国务院，1981年，50出头的田纪云即官升一级，任国务院副秘书长，成为国务院大管家的大管家。田纪云的老乡山东东平人万里几乎与赵紫阳同时调入国务院。赵紫阳、万里、田纪云由于工作经历和相似的经改思想走到一起，万里、田纪云也因为老乡关系（肥城、东平同属泰安，互为邻县，县城相距不足50公里）而更上层楼。 田纪云属于思想活跃、敢于改革的人物。刚刚说了鲁中鲁南人比较传统保守，但恰恰万里、田纪云不在其列，应该与他们很小离开家乡、长期在外闯荡的经历有关吧。田纪云任国务院副秘书长，分管经济工作，在自己熟悉的财税领域进行了改革。财税改革方面的内容以及由此带来的机构和人事变化，也是在下兴趣之一。国税总局和地方税务部门的制度和机构的设立与改革，同田纪云是分不开的；当时的财政部长是王丙乾。这里先打住了。 1983年六届人大，赵紫阳（64岁）续任总理，万里（67岁）、姚依林（66岁）、李鹏（55岁）、田纪云（54岁）被任命为副总理。这个架势，有点类似于十五年后的九届人大任命的国务院领导成员：总理朱镕基（70岁），副总理李岚清（66岁）、钱其琛（70岁）、吴邦国（57岁）、温家宝（56岁）。这是比较明显的老带新的接班结构。田纪云与李鹏可谓一时瑜亮。某些媒体中，李鹏与赵紫阳（六四前）、李鹏与田纪云的矛盾有时被无限放大，在下还是更觉得，将其看作两只手的矛盾可能更合适些。 1985年9月召开的中共十二届四中全会和五中全会，高层领导大幅变化。老同志如叶剑英、邓颖超、徐向前、聂荣臻、乌兰夫、王震等退出中央委员会，而新增补了田纪云、乔石、李鹏、吴学谦、胡启立、姚依林为政治局委员、增选乔石、田纪云、李鹏、郝建秀、王兆国为中央书记处书记。受人瞩目的李鹏、田纪云、乔石、胡启立明显作为下一届核心领导班子进行培养。 从当时任命角度上考虑，党务系统的乔石、胡启立和国务院系统的李鹏、田纪云都是“双保险”。如果不是胡耀邦、赵紫阳先后“意外”去职，总书记和总理的人选都应该是上面的“二选一”。李鹏、田纪云两人的工作思路、风格、言行、手段都不同，这些不同和一些矛盾很容易被外界放大处理。 六四后，田纪云仍反复讲一个观点：四项基本原则是立国之本，改革开放是强国之路。1989年10月，田纪云的发言中仍强调政策的稳定性和连续性，经济上，“在坚持公有制为主体的同时，允许适度地发展私营企业和个体经济的方针还应当坚持，不要动摇”。 1992年邓小平南方谈话震动全国。田纪云在部委省市畅讲《谈话》，在中央党校作报告，反响极大。 1993年，田纪云调任全国人大常委会副委员长，曾被外界解读为与李鹏的残酷“斗争”失利而被排挤。其实，1983年即获选为副总理的田纪云，此位置上坐满2届10年，离开国务院系统是宪法要求的，与是否遭到排挤是两回事情。当然，从可能性上说，即使胡耀邦、赵紫阳都安全着陆，接总理班的也是李鹏的可能性更大，那个时期田纪云的提升确实比较快，没有经过省部正职的考验，李鹏就有利一些；届时，田纪云仍不免会调出国务院。但是，正如n兄所说，十三大前中央领导突变，胡耀邦下赵紫阳上，假如赵紫阳能平安降落，到八届人大时，田纪云出任总理的可能性就大得多了；而李鹏的出路，更可能是国家主席。这就不絮叨了。 当然，田纪云在人大10年任上仍保持着不小的影响，闲话不说。 随着赵紫阳的下台，田纪云的政治生涯到了顶峰，也就始终没能再进一步。那个时期，田纪云的压力是很大的，最后能以17年的政治局委员经历退休，说来也就不错了。（编者注：2003年3月15日田纪云以人大副委员长的身份退休，时年74岁，今年（2024年）田纪云95岁，仍然在世。）
（三）之补丁5 西边的太阳
(2005-01-03 00:30:00)
按个人习惯，讲的故事多是在上世纪80年代中后期，人事制度较为正规化之后讲起。而此前的情况，主要是文革甫定，从中央到地方，大批老干部重新启用，新人要冒尖就不易了。要真的等到各地顾委设立，为老干部解决出路问题后，一大批新人才破茧而出甚至破格提拔，成为我们今天熟知的一张张面孔。 插句话，田纪云连升三级，从1981年的四川省财政厅厅长到1983年的国务院副总理、1985年成为中央政治局委员，只用了3、4年的光景。与此相对照的是，从中央部委到地方省市，破格提拔的不在少数。有网友曾质疑曾庆红副主席的提升速度，其实这在当时并没什么了不起。 这期间，李鹏、田纪云迅速升为副总理，王兆国升中办主任，丁关根成为铁道部长，宋健为科委主任，钱其琛出任外交部第一副部长；地方上，陈希同任北京市市长，李瑞环接替胡启立任天津市市长，李铁映、李贵鲜、李长春辽宁三李风头正劲，江泽民由电子工业部部长转任上海市市长，顾秀莲成为第一位女省长，吴官正取代了被判刑的省长倪献策，关广富开始主掌湖北12年，任仲夷在广东进行“试验”，杨汝岱接管四川，胡锦涛去了贵州……长江前浪让后浪，老树前头百花鲜，在山东，李昌安1985年6月接替梁步庭出任山东省省长。 梁步庭是当年能唱起“西边的太阳就要落山了”的微山老游击队员，建国后曾任团中央书记处书记，因而也曾被海外媒体归为团派人物。（编者注：赵紫阳背书梁步庭是胡耀邦的人）文革后，梁步庭先后在青海、山东担任一把手。李昌安接任省长时，梁步庭才去专任省委书记。有趣的是，1983年的山东第四届党代会上已经不设第一书记了，苏毅然、梁步庭的职务却都是省委书记，同时选举出陆懋曾、李昌安、李振、姜春云为副书记。这样一直到1985年5月，苏毅然改任省顾委主任、李振改任省人大主任，双双辞去省委职务，梁步庭才成为惟一的省委书记。 现在回头来看看当时的安排，是比较有意思的。1983年7月召开的第四届党代会，基本是以4个月前刚调整过的省委班子为底。两位书记苏毅然已是65岁，梁步庭也有61岁；四位副书记的年龄当时分别是：陆懋曾55岁，李昌安48岁，李振59岁，姜春云53岁。 这里陆懋曾是农学家出身，高级农艺师，纯粹的科技专家，在主要领导干部年轻化的浪潮中赶上末班车，竟然成为排名第一的省委副书记，但专业限制了他的进一步发展（可别提台湾老李的例子）。陆懋曾最后从容坐到省政协主席的位子，这个经历，有点类似现在的广东省人大主任卢钟鹤，后者曾是中科院广州分院院长。 陆懋曾是专业不对口缺乏主管党政经验，李振是年岁大了，李昌安则与姜春云成瑜亮之势。姜春云的优势是得到本省要员的有力支持，工作又是从基层一步步做上来的，兼任的济南市委书记职务增加了磨练；而姜春云的优势在于上面的支持，小姜春云5岁的年龄优势，但劣势就比较明显，在山东毫无根基。下面说的人物，就是——李昌安。
驴谈中国人事——东北变局
(2004-12-20 23:03:30)
驴子曾是某中国人事论坛的常客，此帖本一回帖，稍作改动如下，信驴由缰，随想随写，谬处请指正。对中国人事变局喜好者，期冀可以交流。 关于薄熙来的调出、东北人事及其他辽宁省委书记闻世震1985年晋升副省级、1992年晋升省委常委，自此在辽宁核心圈子掌大权，现也有近20年了。闻世震的中央省地脉络之深，绝非省内其他人可轻易染指。薄熙来苦心经营的不过大连一地，能成为省长其实全托张国光之福。1998年张国光出任省长。闻世震、张国光是勾心斗角又互相利用的两派。2000年张国光终于被迫平调到湖北任省长，为事后查处张国光派作了伏笔。中央不是完全不知道闻世震的问题，但是东北事务树大根深，稳住局势计，闻世震的留任给了其充分喘息之机。 2001年，薄熙来正式出任代省长，为今后的提升补了至关重要的台阶。省里压制非省会副省级城市的作法其实不罕见。俞正声情况有所类似，彼时为省委常委、青岛市委书记的俞正声在多年被强压的情况下，还是由中央出头调到建设部任党组书记，才解决了这个台阶问题。（编者注：俞正声1992年至1997年担任青岛市委书记，而1992年至1997年，山东的省委书记分别姜春云（1988年12月–1994年10月），赵志浩（1994年10月–1997年4月）。可见俞正声与姜春云，赵志浩不是一个派系，也就是俞正声和陈云朱镕基习近平不是一个派系。）薄熙来任省长前为省委常委、大连市委书记，所居甘苦，与俞大同。 彼时，中央未尝不曾想一鼓作气解决东北吏治问题。2000年宋法棠由山东调到黑龙江，解决自己正省职同时，也为黑龙江的干部问题揭开第一个盖子。黑龙江的事情暂时往后放放。下面还说辽宁。2001年张国光去职，省长的选择是大有玄妙的。外调省长或提拔薄熙来二选一的情况下，闻世震没有讨价还价的余地，选择薄熙来出任省长，是闻世震认识到薄熙来的晋升途径绝不会仅限于辽宁，乐得先送个人情，同时暂时以薄熙来的背景为挡箭牌，对中央可能对辽宁空降干部进行影响。所以我们看到薄熙来被提拔也是较突然的，省委副书记这样的台阶不补，对于非省会城市领导人，直接出任该省省长的情况非常罕见。 与此相对应的，是在薄熙来出任省长后不久，新疆区委副书记、政府常务副主席兼新疆生产建设兵团司令员张文岳的空降辽宁。张文岳比闻世震的年龄整小一个任期，1987年成为副部级、1995年即任新疆区委副书记，也是资格极深的老正省级。中央调张文岳入辽的意味很明确，就是在为闻世震后的辽宁政局作准备。但是闻世震的手段和关系起了作用。远在湖北的张国光一下子陷入万劫不复的境地，闻世震在其中起了巨大作用。对张国光的查处，势必还要暂时依靠闻世震的力量。薄熙来在任内，闻世震、薄熙来互别苗头，薄熙来空有其名，其实在全省尤其是省会并没有什么依靠力量。张国光则更插不上手，直到2003年1月，出任辽宁省政协主席，才使自己的正省级别名至实归。其时张国光已经在辽宁与闻世震的斗争中暂时失利，居政协主席是甘心在不久后退出省委，而使自己的退休年龄获得延长。 2002年的16大及其后面的党、国家领导人的换届，使得东北吏治的解决在中央一级推后处理。这期间辽宁闻世震的地位虽有触动－－主要是因为薄熙来的省长和张国光的政协主席－－但是没有根本影响。2004年初，中央一级经过sars大役，领导掌握国家大事已然无碍，建设东北的口号再度提出并能以开展实施，吏治问题得以堂而皇之的浮出水面，东北的人事问题对中央而言就不仅仅是重视了。 东北人事问题必然先从人开始。2003年10月田凤山免职查处只是发了个信号，对东北人事布局是先从外围的黑龙江省开始的。到2004年2月，辽宁正在召开人大政协换届会期间，出乎闻世震及辽宁绝大多数领导意外，中央明令下文，调薄熙来去商务部，建议张文岳为省长候选人。中央选择这个时候调整人事对于以闻世震为首的辽宁省委不啻晴天霹雳，完全改变了辽宁的人事布局。对于薄熙来，调至地位吃重的商务部，从而避免了搅在辽宁官场混水里的厄运。薄熙来弥补了中央部委经历的台阶，为进入党和国家领导人行列开始热身。关于薄熙来的这个任命下面还会小小说明。张文岳不大不小的年龄正好照顾了张文岳的面子，也使得张文岳为可能到来的省委书记的任命而鼓舞，成为揭开辽宁人事问题盖子的关键步骤。张文岳在辽宁3年的经历，使得辽宁换天后不致于出现哪怕是短暂的人事真空。与此同时，薄熙来的调出与王万宾入主辽宁是同步的。王万宾与薄熙来同庚，有主掌国家专业局、任国家经贸委副主任的国家部委经历，在地方上则是广西区委副书记、区政府副主席，一如此前的张文岳，极具政府工作经验。王万宾在辽宁换届时突然调至辽宁，面似平调，却藏伏笔，为辽宁将来可能的大换盘作准备。对于王万宾来说，在广西一定无法解决出路问题，盖因民族自治区政府主席为该民族出任，打着为东北着想的旗号，调入辽宁即便是闻世震也无可奈何。 此后至今，闻世震的力量影响还在但已大不如前。中央对此很有耐心，只等明年年初以退休的死杠杠逼退闻世震，便可以揭开辽宁的最重要的盖子，从而为东北崭新的人事布局作部署。网友们谈论多的从外省空降省委书记一事，各见仁智。空降只在于时间早晚，张文岳、王万宾等都属空降干部。在下还是认为，张文岳、王万宾接任的可能性要稍大一些，盖因辽宁人事复杂，待新人重新明晰关系掌握局面，又要何时了。（编者注：这里作者预测的不是特别准确，后来李克强接任辽宁省委书记，但是张文岳后来接替李克强担任辽宁省委书记） 回头再说黑龙江，近期中央的狂风暴雨想必大家都清楚了。对于东北，黑龙江算外围，辽宁是核心，却是一枝连理。但黑龙江的大动作象征意味甚浓。一是显示中央惩腐决心，一是清楚的表明了改变东北人事的决心。黑案一发，辽宁的闻世震、吉林的王云坤除了高调与中央保持一致外，也只好为各自的退路作准备了，正所谓逆之者亡，对中央的人事安排自此不敢有二心想。黑省的大变局，黑籍的张左己其实只是有个籍贯而已，不需要为此前黑省人事问题负责，陕西栗战书来黑，既是为提拔为省长预热，也是为陈德铭得以出任陕西省长创造条件。而在吉林则是直接调江苏省委常委、苏州市委书记王珉接替洪虎无碍，盖因吉林人事是阻力最小，王云坤较为明智，而出于各种原因吉林是惟一可以“通天”的东北省份（编者注：前任吉林省长王忠禹是朱镕基大秘）。即便如此，从发达地区调来省长，主要原因却是吉林省内干部力有不逮，与黑辽不尽相同。 由上可知，薄熙来调出辽宁，非不想也，是无奈耳。很多人事问题不是中央可以随意下文改变的。 至于薄熙来的老父问题，天下“太子党”者千万，能脱颖而出实靠实力运气取胜，都归于老父实在太失偏颇。（编者注：这里原作者就是扯淡了。胡亦民，曹伯纯，令狐安都是陈云薄一波派系的，薄一波让薄熙来去大连，是给薄熙来都安排好了的。）再说部长的经历对于提拔薄熙来来说十分重要，即便此后外放大省书记仍然不失可能。俞正声出任建设部长只是补了台阶，其实即使彼时出任国务院副总理也无不可能，虽然情况特殊。因为俞正声尚缺地方省级首长经历。俞正声再下放湖北省委书记，其实是补这个台阶的。对于薄熙来，幸运的是已经有了正省职地方首长经历－－辽宁省省长，无论在国务院还是下放地方省委书记，晋升党和国家领导人都不会引起争议。所谓新君登基清洗旧臣的说法，并不成立。一是没必要，二是薄熙来除了风头大名声响，却实实在在不是前朝旧臣，反而是新人，除了大连一地并无根基。利用薄熙来目前尚好的形象，对中央对薄熙来本人，都是双赢互利之举。 (慕马大案的背景夹杂其中，有兴趣者可以google相关内容。) －－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－ 注：本文是人事系列开篇。发帖以来受到朋友们大力支持，驴一并感谢。又蒙多位兄台订正指教，在此特致敬意。
英文翻译
Editor’s note:
- Although they are all Communist bandits, in 1993, there was still a difference of one person in the “election” of the provincial party committee standing committee. I don’t know if there is still a difference now. If not, it means that China’s “democracy” is regressing compared to 1993.
- The above are details. This article is well written, so I forwarded it. Shandong is a dispute between Li Peng and Tian Jiyun. Of course, the original author’s knowledge ends here. In fact, behind Li Peng and Tian Jiyun is the dispute between Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun. The power struggle between Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun plus the so-called oil gang Hu Yaobang and Jiang Zemin is the entire history of China from 1978 to 2024. In fact, it is the three major factions in the Mao Zedong era, Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, and Liu Shaoqi. In the Deng Xiaoping era, there are still three major factions. Hu Yaobang and Jiang Zemin inherited the political power of Mao Zedong’s moderate Hua Guofeng. Deng Xiaoping was a figure in the Mao Zedong era, and Chen Yun and Li Peng inherited Zhou Enlai’s political power. It is enough to say a very simple common sense. As the founder of the Chinese Communist Party, Mao Zedong’s political power cannot disappear completely. The power struggle between Deng Xiaoping and Zhao Ziyang is an illusion, or a superficial phenomenon, and a distraction. It will interfere with our understanding of Chinese history. Deng Xiaoping and Zhao Ziyang fell into Chen Yun’s plan to alienate them. Later, Deng Xiaoping understood and asked Zhao Ziyang to come back three times. The three visits to the thatched cottage showed that Deng Xiaoping was sincere. The struggle between Jiang and Hu is also a superficial phenomenon, or a distraction, which interferes with our understanding of Chinese history. In fact, it is Zhu Rongji who is sowing discord. Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun could not agree, so a third faction, Jiang Zemin, took over. Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao could not agree, so a third faction, Xi Jinping, took over.
Talking about Shandong (I) The agent dispute between the two major forces
by nsh1993(2005-01-03 00:25:49)
Speaking of Shandong, we must talk about Tian Jiyun.
Tian Jiyun is from Feicheng, Shandong, which is under the jurisdiction of Tai’an. In his early years, Tian Jiyun engaged in “revolutionary” work in Shandong, then went south to Guizhou, and then transferred to Sichuan, thus becoming a trusted general of Zhao Ziyang, then the first secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee. After Zhao Ziyang was promoted to Premier, he transferred Tian Jiyun to Beijing in 1981 to serve as Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council. Only two years later, he was promoted to Vice Premier and Secretary-General of the State Council. After 1985, he became a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, Secretary of the Central Secretariat, and served as Deputy Head of the Central Finance and Economics Leading Group. He was in power for a while. Although Tian Jiyun has been out of Shandong for more than 30 years, he has always been “missing” the development of his hometown. After he was in a high position, he paid great attention to the situation in Shandong, and took special care of Tai’an, his hometown, and often returned to his “hometown” for inspection. He also transferred his younger brother Tian Jian from Guizhou Province back to Shandong to serve as Deputy Secretary-General and Director of the General Office of the Provincial Party Committee. Later, he served as Minister of the United Front Work Department of the Provincial Party Committee, Vice Chairman of the Provincial CPPCC, and Deputy Secretary of the Party Group until he retired in April 1998.
Tai’an was also the hometown of Wan Li, another vice premier at the time (Wan Li was from Dongping County, Tai’an). Because of this relationship, Tian Jiyun and Wan Li also had a close relationship.
As the “parent official” of the hometown of the central leaders, Ma Zhongchen (a native of Tai’an), then secretary of the Tai’an Prefectural Party Committee, was able to rise step by step under the protection of these two “mountains”. He became an alternate member of the Central Committee at the 12th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 1982 (at the age of 46), and was a “young and strong faction” in Shandong’s political arena. In 1985, Tai’an, which was still relatively backward at the time, “broke the rules” to withdraw the prefecture and establish a city. Ma Zhongchen, the former secretary of the Prefectural Party Committee, became the secretary of the Municipal Party Committee, and Song Fatang, the former secretary of the county-level Tai’an Municipal Party Committee, became the mayor of the prefecture-level Tai’an City. Subsequently, Ma Zhongchen began to make great strides in his official career. In March 1986, he was appointed as the deputy secretary-general and deputy secretary of the Party Group of the General Office of the Shandong Provincial Government. In May of the same year, he was promoted to vice governor of Shandong Province, deputy secretary of the Party Group and secretary-general of the Provincial Government (Song Fatang took over as secretary of the Tai’an Municipal Party Committee). The governor of Shandong Province at that time was Li Changan, a former subordinate of Wan Li and a member of the Central Committee.
In 1987, the political situation in the central government changed suddenly, with Hu Yaobang stepping down and Zhao Ziyang taking over. At that time, the power balance at the top level was tilted towards Zhao Ziyang, Wan Li, and Tian Jiyun, and Tian Jiyun was likely to become the next prime minister. In order to meet the needs of the change of leadership, Tian Jiyun urgently transferred Ma Zhongchen to Beijing in April 1987 to serve as deputy secretary-general and deputy secretary of the Party Committee of the State Council (he was unable to take up his post due to obstruction by someone, editor’s note: it is speculated that it was someone from Chen Yun’s faction, who was it? It might be Li Peng). Two months later, Ma Zhongchen returned to Shandong to continue serving as deputy governor. Therefore, Tian Jiyun transferred Li Changan back to Beijing to serve as Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council, and the then Deputy Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee and Secretary of the Jinan Municipal Party Committee Jiang Chunyun (Editor’s note: Jiang Chunyun was from the Chen Yun and Zhu Rongji faction. Jiang Chunyun, Jin Renqing and Zhang Yujun committed suicide out of fear of crime and died strangely on the same day. See the assassination list of Zhu Rongji and Xi Jinping) took over as the governor of Shandong Province.
In October 1987, at the 13th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, (Editor’s note: Chen Yun replaced Deng Xiaoping as the director of the Central Advisory Commission, which was the highest power body in China at that time), Li Peng was promoted to the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau and then served as Acting Premier (really removed the following year), Tian Jiyun remained a member of the Political Bureau and continued to serve as Vice Premier, but was only in charge of agriculture, and his strength was much less than before. From then on, the situation in Shandong also changed rapidly, and the most obvious manifestation was the loss of power of Ma Zhongchen and the “rise” of Zhao Zhihao.
Zhao Zhihao, born in 1931, is from Longkou, Shandong. He served as director of the General Office of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee from 1983 to 1985. He was highly appreciated by local elders in Shandong and was later sent to serve as secretary of the Zibo Municipal Party Committee, a major industrial city.
In January 1988, the first session of the Seventh People’s Congress of Shandong Province was held. The election results were: Governor Jiang Chunyun, Vice Governors Ma Zhongchen, Ma Shizhong, Tan Qinglian, Zhao Zhihao, and Li Chunting. At this time, Zhao Zhihao was only the fourth-ranked vice governor.
In December 1988, the Fifth Congress of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee of the Communist Party of China was held. Jiang Chunyun succeeded Liang Buting, who was 67 years old at the time, as the Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee. Because the whole country was reducing institutions at that time, there were only two deputy secretaries, namely Ma Zhongchen and Zhao Zhihao (Zhao Zhihao only had 10 months of deputy provincial qualifications, which was obviously a leap). As the deputy secretary of the provincial party committee (ranked first), executive vice governor, and alternate member of the Central Committee for two terms (Zhao was not), it should have been natural for Ma Zhongchen to take over as governor, but in order to prevent him from taking over, the top leaders (Chen Yun and Li Peng) deliberately let Jiang Chunyun serve as governor for a period of time to increase Zhao Zhihao’s qualifications.
In February 1989, Ma Zhongchen resigned from his concurrent post as vice governor and became the executive vice secretary of the provincial party committee. In March of the same year, the second session of the Seventh People’s Congress of Shandong Province was held. Zhao Zhihao officially replaced Jiang Chunyun as governor of Shandong Province, but as the deputy secretary of the provincial party committee, he still ranked after Ma Zhongchen, which was rare in the country (except for very few special provinces and regions). At this meeting, Song Fatang and others were elected as vice governors, which was equivalent to achieving a certain balance.
At this point, it was difficult for Ma Zhongchen to stay in Shandong, so in November 1990, he was transferred by Tian Jiyun, who was in charge of agriculture, to the position of deputy minister and deputy secretary of the party group of the Ministry of Agriculture. At the 14th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, he was still only re-elected as an alternate member of the Central Committee. It was not until December 1992 that he had the opportunity to be transferred to Henan Province, a major agricultural province, as governor, and then waited for more than five years before being promoted to secretary of the Henan Provincial Party Committee. (Editor’s note: Later, Wang Guosheng was also transferred to Henan, and he may also be from Zhao Ziyang’s faction) At the 15th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, Ma Zhongchen, who had served as an alternate member of the Central Committee for three consecutive terms, finally became a member of the Central Committee for one term.
By the way, it was for the above reasons that Tian Jiyun arranged his young man Tian Chengzhong (Editor’s note: the son of Tian Jiyun’s third brother Tian Jizhen, who was once the deputy governor of Hubei and deputy director of the Hubei People’s Congress) to develop in Henan.
Following Ma Zhongchen, Song Fatang (native of Linyi Tancheng), another important representative of the “Tai’an faction”, also experienced a similar situation to Ma Zhongchen. He developed smoothly at first. Since 1989, he has served as the vice governor of Shandong Province. In a few years, he has been promoted to member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, vice governor, deputy secretary of the Provincial Party Committee, vice governor, executive vice governor, and alternate member of the 15th Central Committee. However, he failed to become the governor of Shandong Province. He could only sigh that Feng Tang is easy to grow old. In desperation, he had to leave his hometown and go out of the customs to serve as governor and secretary of the Provincial Party Committee in Heilongjiang Province, the northernmost province.
For relevant information on the above events, please refer to the “Shandong Yearbook” of previous years.
Talking about Shandong (II) Han Yuqun’s ups and downs
by nsh1993(2005-01-03 00:27:05)
Since the inside story of the incident has not yet been answered, I originally wanted to publish this article later, but in view of the fact that some people like me have been “urging me to finish the article”, I have decided to publish part of the content first and make supplements after obtaining more information. Of course, this requires everyone’s help.
On the eve of the election of the Shandong Provincial People’s Congress in January 2003, speculation about who would become the governor of Shandong Province was all over the Internet. Names such as Wu Aiying, Sun Shuyi, Jiang Daming, and Lin Tingsheng were all considered, and the possibility of the central government sending someone else was not ruled out. However, the result was beyond everyone’s expectations. Han Yuqun, who was no longer a member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee (or even a member of the Provincial Party Committee), suddenly “returned to the pot” and was reappointed by the Central Committee as a member, standing committee member, and deputy secretary of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee of the Communist Party of China, and then succeeded Zhang Gaoli as the acting governor of Shandong Province. In this way, he, who had been internally scheduled to retire to the second line, “accidentally” became the governor. In fact, this “accident” is not a “accident” for Han Yuqun, because he has experienced several “ups and downs” in his political career.
(I) Early rapid rise
Han Yuqun started working at Shandong Jining Detergent Factory in July 1968. After 13 years, he was promoted from a technician to a factory director. He is a typical technical cadre. From some of his early photos provided by the Shandong Channel of Xinhuanet, it is not difficult to find that Han Yuqun is indeed a hardworking and simple, “short and capable” talent, leaving a good impression on people. In the early 1980s, when the national cadres were getting younger, many young factory directors who came from enterprises, had academic qualifications and understood technology were selected as “echelon” training objects to serve in party committees and governments at all levels. Han Yuqun was lucky enough to catch this opportunity. In 1983, he became the deputy secretary of Jining Municipal Party Committee. In 1986, he was promoted to the mayor of Jining (succeeding Wang Weitian). In 1991, he became the secretary of Jining Municipal Party Committee (succeeding Wang Yuxi).
(II) The vice governor was defeated by the difference
In April 1993, the first session of the 8th People’s Congress of Shandong Province was held. The specific personnel arrangements for this change of term for the provincial government were: the provincial government temporarily assigned 8 governors and vice governors, and 1 vice governor from outside the party was vacant. One candidate for governor and 8 candidates for vice governors were proposed (7 were actually elected). The specific list is: Zhao Zhihao, the current governor, will continue to be nominated as a candidate for governor; among the current vice governors, 4 will continue to be nominated: Li Chunting, Zhang Ruifeng, Song Fatang, and Wang Jiangong; 4 new nominations: Chen Jianguo, the current member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee and Secretary of the Political and Legal Committee, Wu Aiying, alternate member of the Central Committee and director of the Provincial Women’s Federation, Wang Yuxi, secretary general of the provincial government, and Han Yuqun, secretary of Jining Municipal Party Committee. It is obvious that Han Yuqun was a candidate for vice governor arranged by the provincial party committee. As a result of the election, Han Yuqun “smoothly” lost the election. At the meeting of the Provincial People’s Congress Standing Committee held later, Han Yuqun was appointed as the director of the Provincial Economic Commission (successor Shao Guifang).
(III) “Unexpected” election as a member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee
In November 1993, the Sixth Party Congress of the Communist Party of China in Shandong Province was held. At the first plenary meeting of the Sixth Session, the candidates for the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee were listed as: Jiang Chunyun, Zhao Zhihao, Li Chunting, Li Wenquan, Han Xikai, Tan Fude, Liu Guofu, Yu Zhengsheng, Song Fatang, Dong Fengji, Chen Jianguo, Liu Hongren, Sun Shuyi, Han Yuqun (one person short). It is obvious that Han Yuqun was another candidate arranged by the provincial party committee. But the result of this election was “unexpected” – Secretary: Jiang Chunyun; Deputy Secretary: Zhao Zhihao, Li Chunting, Li Wenquan, Han Xikai; Standing Committee: Tan Fude, Liu Guofu, Yu Zhengsheng, Song Fatang, Dong Fengji, Chen Jianguo, Sun Shuyi, Han Yuqun. Liu Hongren, who was “predetermined” to be re-elected as a member of the Standing Committee, “accidentally” lost the election. Liu Hongren was formerly the secretary of the Heze Prefectural Party Committee. In December 1992, he served as the chairman and party group secretary of the Shandong Federation of Trade Unions. He was appointed as a member of the Standing Committee of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee in March 1993. In August 1993, he was just elected as the chairman of the 10th Committee of the Shandong Federation of Trade Unions at the 10th Congress of the Shandong Federation of Trade Unions. After Liu Hongren lost the election, he was forced to become a member of the Party Group of the Provincial Political Consultative Conference. In March 1994, he was appointed as the vice chairman of the Provincial Political Consultative Conference. He served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee for only 8 months. Thanks to Liu Hongren’s great blessing, Han Yuqun was elected as a member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee.
(IV) The “awkward” period in his career
Since Han Yuqun was “accidentally” elected as a member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, the following few years were an “awkward” period for him. Han Yuqun had only been the director of the Provincial Economic Commission for seven months. Now he had “suddenly” become a member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee. Obviously, he was no longer suitable to continue to hold this position, but other positions were “full”, so he had to “compromise” as the Minister of the United Front Work Department of the Provincial Party Committee (in Shandong, there is no practice of the Minister of the United Front Work Department becoming a member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee. Han Yuqun has therefore become the only Minister of the United Front Work Department who has served as a member of the Standing Committee in the political history of Shandong in the past 20 years). In June 1995, Han Yuqun was transferred to the position of Vice Governor of Shandong Province and member of the Party Leadership Group of the Provincial Government, ranking sixth among the eight Vice Governors (Song Fatang, Chen Jianguo, Zhang Ruifeng, Wu Aiying, Wang Yuxi, Han Yuqun, Shao Guifang, Du Shicheng). In this way, Han Yuqun’s short first “Standing Committee” career in his official career ended.
(V) Second term as member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee
Five years passed unnoticed. In March 2000, Song Fatang, deputy secretary of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee and executive vice governor, left for Heilongjiang. Han Yuqun was appointed as a member of the Standing Committee of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee and concurrently served as executive vice governor.
(VI) Internally appointed to retire
The good times did not last long. In order to cooperate with the 16th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the 8th Party Congress of Shandong Province, which was supposed to be held at the end of 2003, was held in June 2002, one and a half years in advance. According to the age regulations for deputy provincial-level cadres, Han Yuqun (59 years old at the time) would retire from the government system to the National People’s Congress at the People’s Congress the following year. Therefore, he was not nominated as a member of the Provincial Party Committee at this Party Congress, and naturally resigned from the post of member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, and only remained as executive vice governor. In other words, because the Party Congress was held one and a half years in advance, Han Yuqun’s second “Standing Committee” career was theoretically shortened by one and a half years, a total of two years and three months.
(VII) The beginning that should be the ending
Han Yuqun’s third time as a member of the Standing Committee was also the third “accident” in his political career. Please look back at the first paragraph of this article.
(III) The “Jiaodong Gang” represented by Jiang Chunyun, Zhao Zhihao, and Li Chunting
Recalling that the overseas media in previous years often made a fuss about the “Shandong Gang”. Yes, there are many Shandong people in the political arena, but it is not appropriate to simply classify all cadres and generals who are from Shandong and have worked in Shandong as the “Shandong Gang”. Shandong people tend to stick together, but it does not mean that there are no contradictions and problems between them. Shandong people Zhang Wannian and Chi Haotian, who were both vice chairmen of the Central Military Commission, were not mentioned? It is precisely the same media that often reported and speculated on the contradictions between the two. It can be seen that the method of simply classifying by place of origin is too lax. But it is undeniable that Shandong people are relatively active in the political arena. The Shandong people mentioned here include those who are from Shandong or have worked in Shandong for a long time. The former are like Wan Li and Tian Jiyun mentioned by brother nsh1993, the latter are like Wu Guanzheng and Zhang Gaoli, and more are like Gu Mu and Jiang Chunyun who are both. In any case, since the late 1980s, behind the ups and downs of Shandong’s political situation, we can still see several hidden lines if we trace them with a loose eye. The “Jiaodong Gang” represented by Jiang Chunyun, Zhao Zhihao, and Li Chunting controlled Shandong’s political situation for quite a long time. The main leaders of the so-called Shandong Gang were actually born in Jiaodong. There is no way to talk about the Shandong Gang.
In fact, it is true that cadres from Jiaodong are in charge of government. But even in Jiaodong, there are “outliers” like Yu Zhengsheng (Editor’s note: Here the author seems to imply that Yu Zhengsheng does not belong to the Jiang Chunyun faction, that is, the Chen Yun, Zhu Rongji, and Xi Jinping faction). The “two major forces” in Shandong described by brother nsh1993 in (I) actually refer to the former Premier Li Peng and the former Vice Premier Tian Jiyun in the central government, and the local governments refer to Jiaodong, which is closer to Li Peng, and the central and southern Shandong regions, which are closer to Tian Jiyun. In a loose sense, it can be seen as a mapping from the central high-level to the local governments. (Editor’s note: The political struggle between Li Peng and Tian Jiyun in Shandong is actually the struggle between Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping.) I just said that it is not appropriate to classify by region, but in order to simply explain the problem, this statement is still adopted. Before talking about the local disputes between Jiaodong and Lunan, let us first look at their geographical and cultural characteristics, and then introduce the central government.
(III) Patch 2 Qiluqing is not over
Omitted. This paragraph seems to be irrelevant to the topic
(III) Patch 3 The Rise of Jiaodong
Omitted. This paragraph seems to be irrelevant to the topic
(III) Patch 4 Wind and Rain in the Sky (Tian Jiyun)
(2005-01-03 00:29:26)
Finally, we can get back to the point and continue with Brother N’s topic. Let’s put aside the personnel of Shandong for the time being and talk about Vice Chairman Tian Jiyun himself. Tian Jiyun, a native of Feicheng, Shandong, was born in 1929, but his local work experience after 1949 was in the southwest. When he was in Sichuan, he worked well with the top leader Zhao Ziyang. His cooperation with the agricultural economy and the fiscal and tax reforms that expanded the autonomy of enterprises were very popular, and his relationship with Zhao Ziyang was also extraordinary. In 1980, Zhao Ziyang entered the State Council. In 1981, Tian Jiyun, who was in his early 50s, was promoted to the next level and became the deputy secretary-general of the State Council, becoming the chief steward of the State Council’s chief steward. Tian Jiyun’s fellow villager Wan Li from Dongping, Shandong was transferred to the State Council almost at the same time as Zhao Ziyang. Zhao Ziyang, Wan Li, and Tian Jiyun came together because of their work experience and similar economic reform ideas. Wan Li and Tian Jiyun also rose to higher positions because of their hometown relationship (Feicheng and Dongping belong to Tai’an, are neighboring counties, and the county seats are less than 50 kilometers apart). Tian Jiyun is a person with active thinking and the courage to reform. I just said that people in central and southern Shandong are more traditional and conservative, but Wan Li and Tian Jiyun are not among them. It should be related to their experience of leaving their hometowns at a very young age and working outside for a long time. Tian Jiyun served as Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council, in charge of economic work, and carried out reforms in the financial and taxation fields that he was familiar with. The content of financial and taxation reforms and the resulting institutional and personnel changes are also one of my interests. The establishment and reform of the systems and institutions of the State Administration of Taxation and local taxation departments are inseparable from Tian Jiyun; the Minister of Finance at that time was Wang Bingqian. I will stop here for now. In 1983, at the Sixth National People’s Congress, Zhao Ziyang (64 years old) continued to serve as Premier, and Wan Li (67 years old), Yao Yilin (66 years old), Li Peng (55 years old), and Tian Jiyun (54 years old) were appointed as Vice Premiers. This is somewhat similar to the leadership of the State Council appointed by the Ninth National People’s Congress fifteen years later: Premier Zhu Rongji (70 years old), Vice Premiers Li Lanqing (66 years old), Qian Qichen (70 years old), Wu Bangguo (57 years old), and Wen Jiabao (56 years old). This is a relatively obvious succession structure of the old leading the new. Tian Jiyun and Li Peng can be said to be rivals. In some media, the contradictions between Li Peng and Zhao Ziyang (before June 4th) and Li Peng and Tian Jiyun are sometimes infinitely magnified. I still think that it is more appropriate to regard them as contradictions between two hands. The Fourth and Fifth Plenary Sessions of the 12th CPC Central Committee held in September 1985 saw major changes in the top leadership. Old comrades such as Ye Jianying, Deng Yingchao, Xu Xiangqian, Nie Rongzhen, Ulanhu, and Wang Zhen withdrew from the Central Committee, while Tian Jiyun, Qiao Shi, Li Peng, Wu Xueqian, Hu Qili, and Yao Yilin were newly added as members of the Political Bureau, and Qiao Shi, Tian Jiyun, Li Peng, Hao Jianxiu, and Wang Zhaoguo were newly elected as secretaries of the Central Secretariat. The highly-regarded Li Peng, Tian Jiyun, Qiao Shi, and Hu Qili were obviously trained as the next core leadership team. Considering the appointment at that time, Qiao Shi and Hu Qili from the party affairs system and Li Peng and Tian Jiyun from the State Council system were “double insurance”. If Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang had not “accidentally” resigned one after another, the candidates for general secretary and prime minister should have been “one of the two” above. Li Peng and Tian Jiyun had different working ideas, styles, words and deeds, and methods, and these differences and some contradictions were easily magnified and handled by the outside world. After June 4th, Tian Jiyun still repeatedly expressed a point of view: the four basic principles are the foundation of the country, and reform and opening up are the way to strengthen the country. In October 1989, Tian Jiyun still emphasized the stability and continuity of policies in his speech. In terms of economy, “while adhering to public ownership as the main body, the policy of allowing the moderate development of private enterprises and individual economy should be adhered to and should not be shaken.” Deng Xiaoping’s Southern Tour in 1992 shocked the whole country. Tian Jiyun spoke freely about the “Tour” in ministries, provinces and cities, and gave a report at the Central Party School, which received a great response. In 1993, Tian Jiyun was transferred to the position of Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress. It was interpreted by the outside world that he was squeezed out because of the failure of the brutal “struggle” with Li Peng. In fact, Tian Jiyun, who was elected as Vice Premier in 1983, sat in this position for two terms for 10 years. Leaving the State Council system is a constitutional requirement, which is different from whether he was squeezed out. Of course, in terms of possibility, even if Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang landed safely, it is more likely that Li Peng would take over the position of prime minister. At that time, Tian Jiyun’s promotion was indeed relatively fast. Without the test of provincial and ministerial positions, Li Peng had an advantage; at that time, Tian Jiyun would still inevitably be transferred out of the State Council. However, as Brother N said, before the 13th National Congress, the central leadership suddenly changed, with Hu Yaobang leaving and Zhao Ziyang taking over. If Zhao Ziyang could land safely, by the time of the 8th National People’s Congress, Tian Jiyun would have a much greater chance of becoming prime minister; and Li Peng’s future would be more likely to be the president of the country. I won’t go into details about this. Of course, Tian Jiyun still maintained a considerable influence during his 10-year tenure in the National People’s Congress, so let’s not talk about it. With Zhao Ziyang’s resignation, Tian Jiyun’s political career reached its peak, and he was never able to make any further progress. At that time, Tian Jiyun was under great pressure, and it was not bad to be able to retire with 17 years of experience as a member of the Politburo. (Editor’s note: Tian Jiyun retired as Vice Chairman of the National People’s Congress on March 15, 2003, at the age of 74. This year (2024), Tian Jiyun is 95 years old and still alive.)
(III) Patch 5 The Sun in the West
(2005-01-03 00:30:00)
According to my personal habit, most of the stories I tell are from the mid-to-late 1980s, when the personnel system was more formalized. Before that, it was mainly because the Cultural Revolution had just ended, and a large number of old cadres from the central government to the local governments were re-employed, so it was not easy for new people to stand out. It was not until the establishment of local advisory committees to solve the problem of career paths for old cadres that a large number of new talents emerged and were even promoted out of the ordinary, becoming the faces we are familiar with today. By the way, Tian Jiyun was promoted three levels in a row, from the Director of the Sichuan Provincial Finance Department in 1981 to the Vice Premier of the State Council in 1983 and became a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee in 1985, which took only 3 or 4 years. In contrast, there were many exceptions to the rules in promotions from central ministries to local provinces and cities. Some netizens questioned the speed of Vice Chairman Zeng Qinghong’s promotion, but in fact, it was nothing remarkable at the time. During this period, Li Peng and Tian Jiyun were quickly promoted to vice premiers, Wang Zhaoguo was promoted to director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee, Ding Guangen became the Minister of Railways, Song Jian was the director of the Science and Technology Commission, and Qian Qichen became the first deputy minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; at the local level, Chen Xitong was appointed mayor of Beijing, Li Ruihuan replaced Hu Qili as mayor of Tianjin, Li Tieying, Li Guixian, and Li Changchun were in the limelight in Liaoning, Jiang Zemin was transferred from the Minister of the Ministry of Electronics Industry to the Mayor of Shanghai, Gu Xiulian became the first female governor, Wu Guanzheng replaced the sentenced governor Ni Xiance, Guan Guangfu began to take charge of Hubei for 12 years, Ren Zhongyi conducted “experiments” in Guangdong, Yang Rudai took over Sichuan, and Hu Jintao went to Guizhou… The waves in front of the Yangtze River gave way to the waves behind, and the flowers bloomed in front of the old tree. In Shandong, Li Changan replaced Liang Buting as the governor of Shandong Province in June 1985. Liang Buting was an old guerrilla fighter in Weishan who could sing “The sun is about to set in the west”. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, he served as the secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League. Therefore, he was also classified as a member of the Communist Youth League by overseas media. After the Cultural Revolution, Liang Buting served as the top leader in Qinghai and Shandong successively. When Li Changan took over as governor, Liang Buting became the full-time secretary of the provincial party committee. Interestingly, at the Fourth Party Congress of Shandong in 1983, there was no first secretary, but Su Yiran and Liang Buting were both the secretaries of the provincial party committee. At the same time, Lu Maozeng, Li Changan, Li Zhen and Jiang Chunyun were elected as deputy secretaries. This continued until May 1985, when Su Yiran was transferred to the position of director of the Provincial Advisory Committee and Li Zhen was transferred to the position of director of the Provincial People’s Congress. Both resigned from their posts in the provincial party committee, and Liang Buting became the only secretary of the provincial party committee. Looking back at the arrangements at that time, it is quite interesting. The Fourth Party Congress held in July 1983 was basically based on the provincial party committee team that had just been adjusted four months ago. The two secretaries, Su Yiran, were already 65 years old, and Liang Buting was 61 years old; the ages of the four deputy secretaries at the time were: Lu Maozeng, 55 years old, Li Changan, 48 years old, Li Zhen, 59 years old, and Jiang Chunyun, 53 years old. Lu Maozeng was an agronomist, a senior agronomist, and a pure science and technology expert. He caught the last train in the wave of young leading cadres and became the top-ranked deputy secretary of the provincial party committee, but his profession limited his further development (don’t mention the example of Lao Li in Taiwan). Lu Maozeng finally sat calmly in the position of chairman of the provincial CPPCC. This experience is a bit similar to that of Lu Zhonghe, the current director of the Guangdong Provincial People’s Congress, who was once the president of the Guangzhou Branch of the Chinese Academy of Sciences. Lu Maozeng lacked experience in party and government affairs due to his mismatched profession, Li Zhen was old, and Li Changan was on par with Jiang Chunyun. Jiang Chunyun’s advantage is that he has strong support from the provincial officials, and he has worked his way up from the grassroots level. His concurrent post as secretary of the Jinan Municipal Party Committee has given him more experience. Jiang Chunyun’s advantage lies in the support from above. Jiang Chunyun has the advantage of being 5 years younger, but his disadvantage is more obvious, as he has no foundation in Shandong. The person I am talking about is Li Changan.
Donkey Talks about Chinese Personnel – Changes in Northeast China
(2004-12-20 23:03:30)
Donkey used to be a frequent visitor to a certain Chinese personnel forum. This post was originally a reply, with some minor changes as follows. I am free to write whatever I think. Please correct me if I am wrong. I hope to communicate with those who are interested in changes in Chinese personnel. About Bo Xilai’s transfer, personnel in Northeast China, and others Liaoning Provincial Party Secretary Wen Shizhen was promoted to vice-provincial level in 1985 and member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee in 1992. Since then, he has held great power in the core circle of Liaoning, and it has been nearly 20 years now. Wen Shizhen’s deep connections in the central and provincial regions are not something that other people in the province can easily get involved in. Bo Xilai worked hard to build Dalian, but he was able to become the governor thanks to Zhang Guoguang. Zhang Guoguang became the governor in 1998. Wen Shizhen and Zhang Guoguang were two factions that were scheming against each other and exploiting each other. In 2000, Zhang Guoguang was finally forced to transfer to Hubei to serve as the governor, which laid the groundwork for the subsequent investigation and punishment of Zhang Guoguang’s faction. The central government was not completely unaware of Wen Shizhen’s problems, but the affairs of the Northeast were deep-rooted, and in order to stabilize the situation, Wen Shizhen’s retention gave him ample breathing space. In 2001, Bo Xilai officially became the acting governor, which made up a crucial step for his future promotion. It is not uncommon for the province to suppress non-provincial capitals and sub-provincial cities. Yu Zhengsheng’s situation was similar. At that time, Yu Zhengsheng, who was a member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee and Secretary of the Qingdao Municipal Party Committee, was under pressure for many years, but the central government took the lead in transferring him to the Ministry of Construction as the Party Secretary, and only then did he solve this step problem. (Editor’s note: Yu Zhengsheng served as Qingdao Party Secretary from 1992 to 1997, while from 1992 to 1997, Shandong’s Party Secretaries were Jiang Chunyun (December 1988-October 1994) and Zhao Zhihao (October 1994-April 1997). It can be seen that Yu Zhengsheng, Jiang Chunyun and Zhao Zhihao are not from the same faction, which means they are not from the same faction as Chen Yun, Zhu Rongji and Xi Jinping.) Before Bo Xilai became governor, he was a member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee and Secretary of the Dalian Municipal Party Committee. He shared the same hardships as Yu. At that time, the central government did not want to solve the problem of official administration in Northeast China in one fell swoop. In 2000, Song Fatang was transferred from Shandong to Heilongjiang. While solving his own provincial post, he also opened the first lid on the cadre problem in Heilongjiang. Let’s put the matter of Heilongjiang aside for the time being. Let’s talk about Liaoning next. Zhang Guoguang resigned in 2001. The choice of governor was very mysterious. In the situation where there was a choice between transferring the governor to another province or promoting Bo Xilai, Wen Shizhen had no room for bargaining. He chose Bo Xilai as the governor because he realized that Bo Xilai’s promotion path would not be limited to Liaoning. He was happy to do a personal favor first, and at the same time temporarily used Bo Xilai’s background as a shield to influence the central government’s possible parachuting of cadres in Liaoning. So we see that Bo Xilai’s promotion was also quite sudden. It is very rare for a leader of a non-provincial capital city to directly serve as the governor of a province without making up for the step of deputy secretary of the provincial party committee. Correspondingly, shortly after Bo Xilai became the governor, Zhang Wenyue, deputy secretary of the Xinjiang Regional Party Committee, executive vice chairman of the government, and commander of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps, was parachuted into Liaoning. Zhang Wenyue was one term younger than Wen Shizhen. He became a vice-ministerial level official in 1987 and deputy secretary of the Xinjiang Regional Party Committee in 1995. He was also a senior provincial level official with a lot of experience. The central government’s transfer of Zhang Wenyue to Liaoning clearly meant that it was preparing for the political situation in Liaoning after Wen Shizhen. But Wen Shizhen’s means and connections worked. Zhang Guoguang, who was far away in Hubei, suddenly fell into an irretrievable situation, and Wen Shizhen played a huge role in it. The investigation and punishment of Zhang Guoguang must temporarily rely on Wen Shizhen’s power. During Bo Xilai’s tenure, Wen Shizhen and Bo Xilai competed with each other. Bo Xilai was just a figurehead, but in fact he had no support in the province, especially in the provincial capital. Zhang Guoguang had even less power to intervene. It was not until January 2003, when he became the chairman of the Liaoning Provincial CPPCC, that he made his provincial level worthwhile. At that time, Zhang Guoguang had temporarily lost in the struggle with Wen Shizhen in Liaoning. He was willing to retire from the provincial party committee soon after and extend his retirement age as the chairman of the CPPCC. The 16th National Congress in 2002 and the subsequent changes in the leadership of the party and the state postponed the resolution of the Northeast’s officialdom at the central level. During this period, although Wen Shizhen’s status in Liaoning was affected – mainly because of Bo Xilai’s governorship and Zhang Guoguang’s chairmanship of the CPPCC – it had no fundamental impact. At the beginning of 2004, after the SARS battle, the central government was able to handle national affairs without any problems. The slogan of building the Northeast was raised again and implemented. The problem of official administration was able to surface openly. The personnel problem in the Northeast was not only important to the central government. The personnel problem in the Northeast must start with people. The dismissal and investigation of Tian Fengshan in October 2003 was just a signal. The personnel layout of the Northeast started from the peripheral Heilongjiang Province. In February 2004, when Liaoning was holding the National People’s Congress and the CPPCC, to the surprise of Wen Shizhen and most of the Liaoning leaders, the central government issued an order to transfer Bo Xilai to the Ministry of Commerce and recommended Zhang Wenyue as the candidate for governor. The central government’s choice of this time to adjust personnel was a bolt from the blue for the Liaoning Provincial Party Committee headed by Wen Shizhen, and completely changed the personnel layout of Liaoning. For Bo Xilai, he was transferred to the Ministry of Commerce, which had a high status, thus avoiding the misfortune of being mixed up in the muddy waters of Liaoning’s officialdom. Bo Xilai made up for the experience of the central government and began to warm up for entering the ranks of party and state leaders. There will be a brief explanation of Bo Xilai’s appointment below. Zhang Wenyue’s age is just right for Zhang Wenyue to save face and also makes Zhang Wenyue excited about the possible appointment as provincial party secretary, becoming the first person to reveal the Liaoning people’sZhang Wenyue’s three years of experience in Liaoning has ensured that Liaoning will not have even a short-term personnel vacuum after the change of leadership. At the same time, Bo Xilai’s transfer out and Wang Wanbin’s entry into Liaoning were synchronized. Wang Wanbin and Bo Xilai are of the same age. He has experience in state ministries and commissions, including being in charge of the National Professional Bureau and deputy director of the State Economic and Trade Commission. At the local level, he is the deputy secretary of the Guangxi Regional Committee and the deputy chairman of the Regional Government. Like Zhang Wenyue before, he has a lot of experience in government work. Wang Wanbin was suddenly transferred to Liaoning when Liaoning changed its leadership. It seemed to be a normal transfer, but it was a foreshadowing, preparing for a possible major change in Liaoning in the future. For Wang Wanbin, he would definitely not be able to solve the problem of his way out in Guangxi, because the chairman of the ethnic autonomous region government is for the ethnic group, and under the banner of thinking about the Northeast, even Wen Shizhen could not do anything about his transfer to Liaoning. Since then, Wen Shizhen’s influence is still there, but it is much less than before. The central government is very patient about this. It only needs to wait until the beginning of next year to force Wen Shizhen out with the dead lever of retirement, so that it can lift the most important lid of Liaoning and make arrangements for the new personnel layout of the Northeast. Netizens have been talking a lot about the parachuting of provincial party secretaries from other provinces, and everyone has their own opinions. The parachuting is just a matter of time, and Zhang Wenyue, Wang Wanbin and others are all parachuted cadres. I still think that Zhang Wenyue and Wang Wanbin are more likely to take over, because the personnel situation in Liaoning is complicated, and it will take a long time for the newcomers to clarify the relationship and take control of the situation. Let’s talk about Heilongjiang again. I believe everyone is aware of the recent storms in the central government. For the Northeast, Heilongjiang is the periphery and Liaoning is the core, but they are closely connected. But Heilongjiang’s big move is very symbolic. One is to show the central government’s determination to punish corruption, and the other is to clearly show its determination to change the personnel in the Northeast. Once the black case was exposed, Wen Shizhen of Liaoning and Wang Yunkun of Jilin, in addition to being in line with the central government in a high-profile manner, had to prepare for their own retreat. As the saying goes, those who go against it will perish, and they dare not have second thoughts about the central government’s personnel arrangements since then. The big change in Heilongjiang Province, Zhang Zuoji, who is a native of Heilongjiang Province, is actually just a native place, and he does not need to be responsible for the previous personnel issues in Heilongjiang Province. Li Zhanshu from Shaanxi came to Heilongjiang Province to warm up for the promotion of the governor and to create conditions for Chen Deming to serve as the governor of Shaanxi Province. In Jilin, it is not a problem to directly transfer Wang Min, member of the Standing Committee of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee and Secretary of the Suzhou Municipal Party Committee, to replace Hong Hu, because Jilin’s personnel have the least resistance, Wang Yunkun is more sensible, and for various reasons Jilin is the only northeastern province that can “reach the sky” (Editor’s note: Former Jilin Governor Wang Zhongyu is Zhu Rongji’s chief secretary). Even so, the main reason for transferring the governor from a developed region is that the cadres in Jilin Province are not capable, which is different from Heilongjiang and Liaoning. From the above, it can be seen that Bo Xilai was transferred out of Liaoning not because he didn’t want to, but because he had no choice. Many personnel issues cannot be changed by the central government at will. As for the issue of Bo Xilai’s father, there are tens of millions of “princelings” in the world, and they can stand out by strength and luck. It is too biased to attribute it all to his father. Besides, the experience of being a minister is very important for the promotion of Bo Xilai. Even if he was later transferred to the position of provincial party secretary, it was still possible. Yu Zhengsheng’s appointment as Minister of Construction was just a step up. In fact, it was not impossible for him to be the Vice Premier of the State Council at that time, although the situation was special. Because Yu Zhengsheng still lacked the experience of being a local provincial leader. Yu Zhengsheng’s demotion to the position of Secretary of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee was actually to fill this step. Fortunately for Bo Xilai, he already had the experience of being a provincial leader – the governor of Liaoning Province. Whether in the State Council or being transferred to the position of provincial party secretary, his promotion to the leader of the party and the country would not cause controversy. The so-called saying that the new monarch ascended the throne to purge the old ministers is not true. First, it is unnecessary. Second, Bo Xilai, except for his fame, is not an old minister of the previous dynasty. Instead, he is a newcomer and has no foundation except in Dalian. Taking advantage of Bo Xilai’s current good image is a win-win and mutually beneficial move for both the central government and Bo Xilai himself. (The background of the Mu Ma case is mixed in. Those who are interested can google the relevant content.) －－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－ Note: This article is the first in the personnel series. Since the posting, it has received great support from friends. I would like to thank them all. I have also received corrections and suggestions from many brothers. I would like to pay special tribute to them.