三中全会彭丽媛会进政治局吗?从王陆进和毛伟明的隐秘关系看,贺龙的马仔
大家好,
中共的三中全会马上召开了,彭丽媛会不会进政治局应该是最大的看点
三中全会前夕,提拔了10多个干部
我应该挨个做个分析,这样就能看出来三中全会将会发生什么
我随便挑了一个,最新提拔的河北副书记王陆进
没想到啊
王陆进居然是一个最有故事的官员
看上不太起眼啊
首先,就要排除一下肖捷,肖捷是李克强的大秘
王陆进和肖捷还真的没有太多的关系
虽然王陆进是国税总局办公厅副主任
肖捷是国税总局的局长,但是按照常识,一般情况下
办公厅副主任是某一位副局长的秘书,不是局长的秘书
实际上肖捷担任国税总局局长期间的办公厅主任是张捷
王陆进从国家税务总局办公厅综合调研处副处长升处长是金人庆提拔的
从处长升办公厅副主任是谢旭人提拔
肖捷2007年到2013年担任国税总局局长6年
都没有提拔过王陆进
这就可以看出,王陆进和肖捷不是一个派系的
因为肖捷是李克强的大秘
也可以看出,李克强和朱镕基不是一个派系的
关系也不好
朱镕基和习近平是一个派系的
我们看王陆进担任办公厅副主任是2004年,当时的局长是谢旭人
担任办公厅主任是2013年,当时的局长是王军
完美的错过了李克强大秘肖捷的任期
当然了办公厅主任只是大秘,实际上应该还有别的秘书
比如说
朱镕基的铁杆马仔金人庆担任国税总局局长期间的
办公厅主任是张伟,但是金人庆的秘书是局长秘书处处长李扬
给大家介绍一下正部级35岁定律
所谓的正部级35岁定律是我总结的,是说
省委书记或省长或者国务院的部长、中共中央的正部级干部要在35岁之前认识总书记或总理本人,或者总书记或总理的铁杆亲信,才能当上正部级干部。
认识普通的政治局常委可能都够呛
一定要认识总书记或者总理,一把手或者二把手才可以
我给大家举几个例子
殷勇,现任北京市长。2003年,清华大学经济管理学院首任院长、时任国务院总理朱镕基曾到中国国家外汇局储备司视察,时任副司长的34岁的殷勇站在电梯间迎候,朱镕基表示“他们都是些娃娃”。
窦敬丽,现任陕西省副省长。2004年2月-2006年7月,34岁的窦敬丽在清华大学公共管理学院公共管理专业硕士研究生,睡了朱镕基,从此飞黄腾达。
邓小刚,现任农业部副部长。1998年10月,31岁的邓小刚任北京市计划委员会委员(副局级),当时的北京市常务副市长是朱镕基的铁杆亲信金人庆(1995年10月 – 1998年4月)
王陆进,现任河北副书记,2000年6月-2004年3月,32岁的王陆进任国家税务总局办公厅综合调研处处长。当时的国税总局局长是朱镕基的铁杆亲信金人庆。
邓小刚和王陆进最初都是朱镕基的铁杆亲信金人庆提拔的
当然了,后来继续提拔邓小刚和王陆进的人也都不一般
邓小刚后来是朱镕基大弟子提拔的
而王陆进,后面要介绍
说到金人庆就要简单说两句
姜春云和张育军
他们三个人是同一天嗝屁的,太巧了,世界上不会有这么巧合的事情的
朱镕基和习近平让金人庆自己去嗝屁
为了什么呢
现在知道了,至少保护了两个贪腐分子,
邓小刚和王陆进
邓小刚是农业部副部长
王陆进是河北省副书记
美国大选的战场州,摇摆州
比如说宾西法尼亚州
那么中国的战场州呢
应该叫战场省
因为习近平已经控制了大部分的省长省委书记
现在温家宝的势力才残留的几个省,几个部委
就是战场省,战场部委
习近平目前的策略就是不和温家宝进行政治交换,政治妥协
就是要开打了
因为李希是温家宝的亲信
那就是没得谈了
习近平现在就是拼命的提拔自己人
温家宝让李希把唐仁健抓了本来是想给农业部副部长吴宏耀
腾位置的
现在习近平提拔了韩俊当农业部党委书记
那么下一步温家宝和李希会不会抓韩俊或者农业部副部长邓小刚呢
我们拭目以待
包括王陆进
因为河北省长王正谱是李希的亲信
王正谱,李希两人在辽宁期间,两年之内,李希提拔了王正谱4次
现在习近平提拔了王陆进
那么李希会不会把王陆进抓了呢?
因为现在人事权基本在习近平手里
中纪委这边习近平也能掌握一些,但是不多
我们接着看王陆进为什么是朱镕基和习近平的马仔。
王陆进毕业于常州机械学校
一说江苏常州
就要说湖南省长毛伟明了
就要说朱镕基的情人陈玉英了
我们先看视频
我都是以当事人本人的说法为准的
陈玉英一个地级市的市委书记
你见了总理,见了朱镕基脸红什么?
对不对
湖南省长毛伟明应该是陈玉英的亲戚
朱镕基凭什么提拔毛伟明呢?
还把毛伟明提拔到了朱镕基的老家湖南,去当省长
朱镕基虽然和习近平平分江山
中共一共只有31个省长
10几个名额就给陈玉英的亲戚一个名额?
朱镕基提拔金人庆的亲信,邓小刚,王陆进
这个起码金人庆是正部级干部
陈玉英只是一个地级市市委书记
正局级干部
正局级干部凭什么能提拔正部级的省长毛伟明
朱镕基如果没有睡过陈玉英
根本就说不过去
毛伟明是江苏常委市委书记陈玉英的亲戚
但是王陆进只是在常州上过学
和陈玉英是什么关系
我不知道
那么王陆进担任国税总局办公厅副主任既然不是
李克强大秘肖捷的秘书
那么王陆进给谁担任大秘的呢
王陆进担任国家税务总局办公厅副主任期间是给国税总局纪检组长贺邦靖当秘书,贺邦靖是贺龙的堂侄贺桂如的孙女,贺龙是支持习近平终身连任的垃圾。
共产党打着反帝反封建的旗号,却天天搞封建的那一套。共产党的高官,继续身居副部级的高位,本来就是一种一人得道,鸡犬升天,近亲繁殖,任人唯亲的一种讽刺,是中国共产党实际是一个强烈的他们自己反对的所谓封建残余的具体表现。
1949年6月,新的中共中央西北局组成,彭德怀、贺龙、习仲勋分别任第一、第二、第三书记.
周恩来与贺龙自1927年南昌暴动中相识。中共南昌暴动中,周恩来是最高领导人,贺龙则是暴动的总指挥。贺龙率领的国民革命军第20军就是暴动部队的主力。之后,周恩来介绍贺龙入党,到贺龙丧命,两人有着长达42年的交往
贺龙毫无疑问是周恩来的马仔
据中共中央党史研究室党史专家薛庆超的《从文化大革命爆发到林彪事件》一书中记载:贺龙在中南海周恩来家中暂避时,周恩来和李富春奉命于1967年1月19日正式与贺龙谈了一次话,周说本来“这次谈话的还有江青同志,但她临时说有事不来了”。周恩来告诉贺龙:“林彪说你在背后散布他历史上有问题,说你在总参、海军、空军、装甲兵、通信兵到处伸手,不宣传毛泽东思想,毛泽东百年之后他不放心。”
中共军委前总参谋长黄永胜在回忆录中披露:“彭德怀专案组、贺龙专案组,都是周恩来总负责。”
也就是说,贺龙就是周恩来马仔
毛泽东怀疑贺龙,怀疑的没错
现在贺龙的残余势力的确,篡党夺权了
但是,毛泽东是杀人诛心啊
毛泽东明明知道贺龙就是周恩来的马仔
毛泽东打倒贺龙的最终目的就是打倒周恩来
还要逼周恩来亲手处决了贺龙
而且
周恩来真的就按要毛泽东的意思,处决了贺龙
也就是说习近平就是周恩来陈云李鹏朱镕基政治集团的继承人
而且习近平和周恩来一样狠
因为河北省长王正谱是李希的亲信
现在习近平提拔了王陆进当河北副书记
说白了就是让王陆进去送死的
河北现在是战场州,战场省
最后李希抓不抓王陆进,习近平保得住保不住王陆进都说不好
习近平现在的策略就是宁可让李希抓自己的亲信
也不提拔温家宝和李希的亲信
农业部副部长吴宏耀不是60岁副部级马上退休了吗
李希已经抓了唐仁健,宁可让李希再抓韩俊或者邓小刚
也要让吴宏耀60岁退休,就是不提拔
有本事就抓吧
英文翻译
Will Peng Liyuan enter the Politburo at the Third Plenary Session? Judging from the secret relationship between Wang Lujin and Mao Weiming, he is He Long’s lackey.
Hello everyone,
The Third Plenary Session of the Communist Party of China will be held soon. Whether Peng Liyuan will enter the Politburo should be the biggest highlight.
On the eve of the Third Plenary Session, more than 10 cadres were promoted.
I should analyze them one by one, so that we can see what will happen at the Third Plenary Session.
I picked one at random, the newly promoted Hebei Deputy Secretary Wang Lujin.
I didn’t expect that Wang Lujin is actually the official with the most stories.
It doesn’t look very impressive.
First of all, we have to exclude Xiao Jie, Xiao Jie is Li Keqiang’s big Secretary
Wang Lujin and Xiao Jie really don’t have much relationship
Although Wang Lujin is the deputy director of the General Office of the State Administration of Taxation
Xiao Jie is the director of the State Administration of Taxation, but according to common sense, under normal circumstances
the deputy director of the General Office is the secretary of a deputy director, not the secretary of the director
In fact, the director of the General Office during Xiao Jie’s tenure as director of the State Administration of Taxation was Zhang Jie
Wang Lujin was promoted from deputy director of the General Research Department of the General Office of the State Administration of Taxation to director by Jin Renqing
and from director to deputy director of the General Office by Xie Xuren
Xiao Jie served as the head of the State Administration of Taxation from 2007 to 2013 Director of the State Administration of Taxation for 6 years
Never promoted Wang Lujin
This shows that Wang Lujin and Xiao Jie are not from the same faction
Because Xiao Jie is Li Keqiang’s chief secretary
It can also be seen that Li Keqiang and Zhu Rongji are not from the same faction
The relationship is not good
Zhu Rongji and Xi Jinping are from the same faction
We can see that Wang Lujin served as deputy director of the General Office in 2004, when the director was Xie Xuren
Served as director of the General Office in 2013, when the director was Wang Jun
Perfectly missed the term of Xiao Jie, Li Keqiang’s secretary
Of course, the director of the General Office is only The chief secretary, in fact, there should be other secretaries. For example, when Zhu Rongji’s staunch henchman Jin Renqing served as the director of the State Administration of Taxation, the director of the General Office was Zhang Wei, but Jin Renqing’s secretary was Li Yang, the director of the secretariat of the director. Let me introduce you to the 35-year-old law of ministerial-level cadres. The so-called 35-year-old law of ministerial-level cadres is what I summarized. It says that provincial party secretaries or governors or ministers of the State Council, and ministerial-level cadres of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China must know the general secretary or the prime minister himself, or the general secretary or the prime minister’s staunch confidant before the age of 35 to become ministerial-level cadres. It may be difficult to know ordinary members of the Politburo Standing Committee. You must know the general secretary or the prime minister, the top or second-in-command. Let me give you a few examples. Yin Yong, the current mayor of Beijing. In 2003, Zhu Rongji, the first dean of the School of Economics and Management of Tsinghua University and the then Premier of the State Council, visited the Reserve Department of the State Administration of Foreign Exchange of China. Yin Yong, the then deputy director, was 34 years old and stood in the elevator to greet him. Zhu Rongji said, “They are all kids.” Dou Jingli, currently the vice governor of Shaanxi Province. From February 2004 to July 2006, 34-year-old Dou Jingli was a master’s student in public administration at the School of Public Administration of Tsinghua University. She slept with Zhu Rongji and rose to prominence.
Deng Xiaogang, currently the vice minister of the Ministry of Agriculture. In October 1998, 31-year-old Deng Xiaogang was appointed as a member of the Beijing Planning Commission (deputy bureau level). At that time, the executive vice mayor of Beijing was Zhu Rongji’s close confidant Jin Renqing (October 1995-April 1998)
Wang Lujin, currently the deputy secretary of Hebei Province, from June 2000 to March 2004, 32-year-old Wang Lujin was the director of the Comprehensive Research Division of the General Office of the State Administration of Taxation. At that time, the director of the State Administration of Taxation was Zhu Rongji’s close confidant Jin Renqing.
Deng Xiaogang and Wang Lujin were initially promoted by Zhu Rongji’s close confidant Jin Renqing. Of course, the people who later promoted Deng Xiaogang and Wang Lujin were also extraordinary. Deng Xiaogang was later promoted by Zhu Rongji’s eldest disciple. As for Wang Lujin, I will introduce him later. Speaking of Jin Renqing, I have to say a few words. Jiang Chunyun and Zhang Yujun. The three of them died on the same day. It was too coincidental. There would be no such coincidence in the world. Zhu Rongji and Xi Jinping let Jin Renqing die on his own. Why? Now we know that at least two corrupt elements were protected. Deng Xiaogang and Wang Lujin. Deng Xiaogang was the vice minister of the Ministry of Agriculture. Wang Lujin was the vice secretary of Hebei Province. Battleground states in the US election, swing states. For example, Pennsylvania. What about China’s battleground states? They should be called battleground provinces because Xi Jinping has controlled most of the provincial governors and provincial party secretaries. Now Wen The provinces and ministries where Wen Jiabao’s power remains are the battlefield provinces and ministries. Xi Jinping’s current strategy is not to make political exchanges or compromises with Wen Jiabao. He is going to fight. Because Li Xi is a confidant of Wen Jiabao, there is no room for negotiation. Xi Jinping is now desperately promoting his own people. Wen Jiabao asked Li Xi to arrest Tang Renjian in order to make room for Wu Hongyao, the vice minister of the Ministry of Agriculture. Now Xi Jinping has promoted Han Jun to be the party secretary of the Ministry of Agriculture. So will Wen Jiabao and Li Xi arrest Han Jun or Deng Xiaogang, the vice minister of the Ministry of Agriculture? Let’s wait and see. Including Wang Lujin, because Wang Zhengpu, the governor of Hebei Province, is a confidant of Li Xi. During the two years when Wang Zhengpu and Li Xi were in Liaoning, Li Xi promoted Wang Zhengpu four times. Now Xi Jinping has promoted Wang Lujin, so will Li Xi arrest Wang Lujin? Because the personnel power is basically in Xi Jinping’s hands now. Xi Jinping can also control some of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, but not much. Let’s see why Wang Lujin is a lackey of Zhu Rongji and Xi Jinping. Wang Lujin graduated from Changzhou Mechanical School. When talking about Changzhou, Jiangsu, we have to talk about Mao Weiming, the governor of Hunan Province. We have to talk about Chen Yuying, Zhu Rongji’s lover. Let’s watch the video first. I always take the statements of the parties involved as the standard. Chen Yuying is the secretary of the municipal party committee of a prefecture-level city. Why did you blush when you met the Prime Minister and Zhu Rongji? Right? Mao Weiming, the governor of Hunan Province, should be a relative of Chen Yuying. Why did Zhu Rongji promote Mao Weiming? He also promoted Mao Weiming to Hunan, Zhu Rongji’s hometown, to be the governor. Although Zhu Rongji and Xi Jinping share the throne equally, there are only 31 governors in the Communist Party of China. Only one of the 10 or so places is given to a relative of Chen Yuying? Zhu Rongji promoted Jin Renqing’s cronies, Deng Xiaogang, and Wang Lujin. At least Jin Renqing is a ministerial-level cadre. Chen Yuying is only a prefecture-level city party secretary. A bureau-level cadre. How can a bureau-level cadre promote a ministerial-level provincial governor, Mao Weiming? If Zhu Rongji had not slept with Chen Yuying, it would be unacceptable. Mao Weiming is a relative of Chen Yuying, the Standing Committee member and party secretary of Jiangsu Province. But Wang Lujin only went to school in Changzhou. What is his relationship with Chen Yuying? I don’t know. So when Wang Lujin served as deputy director of the General Office of the State Administration of Taxation, he was not the secretary of Xiao Jie, Li Keqiang’s secretary. Then who did Wang Lujin serve as the chief secretary? When Wang Lujin served as deputy director of the General Office of the State Administration of Taxation, he served as the secretary of He Bangjing, the head of the Discipline Inspection Group of the State Administration of Taxation. He Bangjing is the granddaughter of He Guiru, the cousin of He Long. He Long is a rubbish who supports Xi Jinping’s lifelong re-election. The Communist Party is under the banner of anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism, but it does feudal things every day. The fact that high-ranking officials of the Communist Party continue to hold high positions at the vice-ministerial level is a kind of irony that one person’s success brings prosperity to his family, inbreeding, and nepotism. It is a concrete manifestation of the fact that the Chinese Communist Party is actually a so-called feudal remnant that they themselves strongly oppose.
In June 1949, the new Northwest Bureau of the CPC Central Committee was formed, with Peng Dehuai, He Long, and Xi Zhongxun serving as the first, second, and third secretaries respectively.
Zhou Enlai and He Long knew each other since the Nanchang Uprising in 1927. During the Nanchang Uprising of the Communist Party of China, Zhou Enlai was the highest leader, and He Long was the commander-in-chief of the uprising. The 20th Army of the National Revolutionary Army led by He Long was the main force of the uprising. Afterwards, Zhou Enlai introduced He Long to the party, and the two had a 42-year relationship until He Long died. He Long was undoubtedly Zhou Enlai’s lackey. According to the book “From the Outbreak of the Cultural Revolution to the Lin Biao Incident” by Xue Qingchao, a party history expert at the Party History Research Office of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China: When He Long took shelter in Zhou Enlai’s home in Zhongnanhai, Zhou Enlai and Li Fuchun were ordered to have a formal conversation with He Long on January 19, 1967. Zhou said that “Comrade Jiang Qing was also in the conversation, but she said she had something to do and would not come.” Zhou Enlai told He Long: “Lin Biao said that you spread rumors behind his back that he had problems in history, saying that you were everywhere in the General Staff, Navy, Air Force, Armored Forces, and Communications Corps, and that you did not promote Mao Zedong Thought. He was worried after Mao Zedong died.”
Huang Yongsheng, former Chief of the General Staff of the Chinese Military Commission, revealed in his memoirs: “Zhou Enlai was in charge of the Peng Dehuai special case team and the He Long special case team.”
In other words, He Long was Zhou Enlai’s lackey
Mao Zedong suspected He Long, and he was right to suspect
Now He Long’s remnant forces have indeed usurped the party and seized power
But Mao Zedong was killing people and destroying their hearts
Mao Zedong knew that He Long was Zhou Enlai’s lackey
Mao Zedong’s ultimate goal in overthrowing He Long was to overthrow Zhou Enlai
He also forced Zhou Enlai to execute He Long personally
And
Zhou Enlai really did it according to Mao Zedong’s wishes Si, executed He Long
That is to say, Xi Jinping is the successor of Zhou Enlai, Chen Yun, Li Peng and Zhu Rongji’s political group
And Xi Jinping is as ruthless as Zhou Enlai
Because Hebei Governor Wang Zhengpu is Li Xi’s confidant
Now Xi Jinping promoted Wang Lujin to be the deputy secretary of Hebei
To put it bluntly, he sent Wang Lujin to his death
Hebei is now a battlefield state and a battlefield province
In the end, it is hard to say whether Li Xi will arrest Wang Lujin or not, and whether Xi Jinping can protect Wang Lujin or not
Xi Jinping’s current strategy is to rather let Li Xi arrest his own confidants
rather than promote Wen Jiabao and Li Xi’s confidants
Isn’t Wu Hongyao, the deputy minister of the Ministry of Agriculture, going to retire soon at the age of 60?
Li Xi has already arrested Tang Renjian, and would rather let Li Xi arrest Han Jun or Deng Xiaogang
and let Wu Hongyao retire at the age of 60, just not promote him
If you have the ability, arrest him