青岛路虎王慧的后台是习近平情人高歌，毕金泉和曾赞荣
大家好，
青岛路虎王慧的后台是习近平情人高歌，新华锦高管毕金泉和青岛市委书记曾赞荣
这个贪腐利益集团。
在介绍
高歌，新华锦高管毕金泉和青岛市委书记曾赞荣
的背景之前
我先给大家简单介绍一下
山东官场的派系
山东官场和习近平的关系
有了这些背景知识之后
再去理解中国官场的事情
青岛路虎王慧的后台
就容易多了
要说山东官场的话
就必须介绍，我拖了很久没有给大家介绍的这篇文章
作者叫《驴说人事》
大家看这个时间2005年
神奇吧？
2005年，就已经有人预测到了20年后
现在是19年后发生的事情
我可以告诉大家
这个人并不是穿越者，他并不知道后来发生的事情
习近平终身连任
但是按照他这篇文章的框架
去分析呢
能把今天中国政坛所有的事情都说明白
不说100%，也是百分之八九十
就是这么神奇
20年就已经预测未来的
其实也没有什么神奇的
因为中国政坛今天的样子，在1982年12大的时候
就已经决定一半了
当年第三梯队，邓小平和陈云提拔了李鹏和胡锦涛
他两个人影响了中国的政坛的走势，
江泽民和朱镕基都是后来的，习包子当年更是啥都不是
也就是说，这个人，《驴说人事》
20年前就能预测今天要发生的事情
只是因为40年前就已经把中国政坛的框架决定了
也就是说20年前，他看的其实是再之前20年已经发生的事情
当年他是总结的1982年到2005年
大概20二十多年的事情
只能说他当年判断的十分准确
因为20年前，你总结1982年到2005年
这20年的事情
如果判断是正确的话
那20年后
也就是，现在我拿2005年到2024年
发生的事情去核对2005年，他的说法
完全正确
他的文章标题就叫做
《话说山东（一） 两大势力的代理人之争》
这个作者所说的两大势力
指的是
李鹏和田纪云
其实李鹏背后是陈云
田纪云背后是赵紫阳和邓小平
我就把标题改的更直接了
《话说山东：邓小平陈云两大势力的代理人之争》
把山东说明白之后
就会受到启发
任何一个正部级单位都不会只有一个派系
这个共产党的独裁统治是相违背的
中共任何一个部门都要听党中央的
对不对
所以没有团派，没有上海帮，没有石油帮
石油工业部和化学工业部
这是两个部位，而且真的分别属于两个派系
也就是石油开采和石油加工属于两个派系
石油工业部，就是开采这个部门，余秋里，康世恩，胡耀邦，江泽民等
他们这个派系的占主导，但也有别的派系
化学工业部呢
化工部全国化肥工业公司党委书记是陈云秘书周太和。
陈云秘书周太和的秘书盛华仁是中国石油化工总公司总经理
这一派就是陈云派系，就是习近平派系的
团派之前我说了历任共青团第一书记
王兆国、胡锦涛、宋德福、李克强、胡春华
这几个人是邓小平胡锦涛派系的
后来的周强，陆昊，秦宜智，贺军科，阿东
都不是胡锦涛派系的
共青团就相当于中国的一个省
提拔谁当共青团第一书记由当时的总书记或者总理说了算
现在那个阿东就是习近平提拔的，和胡锦涛没有任何的关系
李鹏和田纪云背后是邓小平和陈云之争。邓小平和陈云的权力斗争再加上所谓的石油帮胡耀邦和江泽民就是1978年到2024年的中国的全部历史。其实就是毛泽东时代的三大派系，毛泽东，周恩来，刘少奇。到了邓小平时代，还是三大派系。胡耀邦和江泽民继承了毛泽东的温和派华国锋的政治势力。邓小平是毛泽东时代就有的人物，陈云李鹏继承了周恩来的政治势力。说一个很简单的常识就行了，毛泽东作为中共黑帮的创始人，他的政治势力不可能完全消失。
崔健说的，只要天安门上还挂着毛泽东像，我们都还是同一代人
邓小平和赵紫阳的权力之争是幻象，或者说是表象，是干扰项。会干扰我们理解中国的历史。邓小平和赵紫阳是中了陈云离间之计，后来，邓小平明白了，三次请赵紫阳复出。三顾茅庐嘛，三次说明邓小平是真心的。江胡斗也是表象，或者说干扰项，干扰我们理解中国的历史。实质是朱镕基在挑拨离间。
邓小平和陈云争执不下，有了第三派江泽民接班。江泽民和胡锦涛争执不下，有了第三派习近平接班。
我们看
《驴说人事》的文章啊
说到山东，必说田纪云。
田纪云是山东肥城人，而肥城属泰安管辖，
也就是说，如果简单的按照地理划分，泰安就是赵紫阳的势力范围
也就是邓小平胡锦涛的势力范围
胶东就是李鹏的势力范围，也就是习近平的势力范围
大家想想深圳市委书记孟凡利为什么原来是烟台市长
为什么习远平的亲信在山东烟台呢
当然了这种简单粗暴的划分方法是1980年代，1990年代的情况
而且也不准确，比如俞正声就是邓小平派系的，他是青岛的
即便到了今天，习近平占了上风，但是青岛也有胡锦涛或者江泽民的势力
只是不多了
后面说青岛路虎王慧这个事件会提到
我们继续看
田纪云早年在山东从事所谓“革命”工作，后来南下贵州，再调至四川，从而成为时任四川省委第一书记赵紫阳的心腹大将。赵紫阳升任总理后，于1981年调田纪云进京担任国务院副秘书长，仅仅两年后就高升为国务院副总理兼国务院秘书长，
也就是说田纪云是赵紫阳的大秘
大秘这个问题也值得掰开了揉碎了说一说
就说省委秘书长这个层面，大部分的省委秘书长是省委书记书记的亲信
但是凡事都有例外
什么原因造成的呢
就是说省委书记不能提拔省委秘书长
但是可以运作，
也就是说一个人既然是省委书记，那必然是总书记或者总理的亲信
省委书记是没有权力提拔省委秘书长，但是总书记有啊
如果省委书记刚好是当时的总书记亲信，那就容易多了
1985年后，田纪云更成为中共中央政治局委员、中央书记处书记，并担任中央财经领导小组副组长，可谓权顷一时。虽然田纪云走出山东已三十余年，但心里却一直“惦念”着家乡的发展，身居高位后，更是十分关注山东的情况，对于作为故乡的泰安地区更是格外“照顾”，经常回“老家”视察。他还将自己的弟弟田健从贵州省调回山东任省委副秘书长兼办公厅主任，后又历任省委统战部部长、省政协副主席、党组副书记，直到1998年4月退休。
泰安也是当时另一位副总理万里的家乡（万里是泰安东平县人），因为这层关系，田纪云与万里的关系也比较密切。
作为中央领导家乡的“父母官”，时任泰安地委书记的马忠臣（土生土长的泰安人）在这两座“大山”的庇护之下，得以步步高升，是在1982年中共“十二大”时就成为中央候补委员（当时46岁），是山东政坛的“少壮派”。1985年，当时还相对落后的泰安“破格”撤地建市，原地委书记马忠臣成为市委书记，原县级泰安市委书记宋法棠出任地级泰安市市长。随后，马忠臣开始在仕途上大踏步前进，1986年3月任山东省政府副秘书长、办公厅党组副书记，同年5月升任山东省副省长、党组副书记兼省政府秘书长（宋法棠接任泰安市委书记）。此时的山东省省长则是中央正派的、原万里的老部下李昌安。
1987年中央政局“突变”，胡耀邦下赵紫阳上，此时高层的权力天平是比较朝赵紫阳、万里、田纪云这一边倾斜的，田纪云大有出任下任总理的架势。为配合换届的需要，田纪云于1987年4月急调马忠臣进京任国务院副秘书长、机关党组副书记（由于有人从中作梗而未能到职，编者按：猜测是陈云派系的人，具体是谁？可能是李鹏），两个月后，马忠臣又重回山东继续担任副省长。于是，田纪云改调李昌安回京任国务院副秘书长，山东省省长由当时的省委副书记兼济南市委书记姜春云（编者按：姜春云是陈云朱镕基派系的）接任。
姜春云和金人庆，张育军在同一天嗝屁了
这都能挑日子
其实看这个过程，无论是邓小平还是赵紫阳
都是利令智昏，受不了权力的诱惑
以为把胡耀邦搞下去了，田纪云就能当总理
最后却是李鹏当上了总理
1987年10月在中共“十三大”人事定案，（编者按：陈云接替邓小平担任中顾委主任，当时中顾委才是中国的最高权力机构）李鹏晋级政治局常委并随后出任代总理（第二年转正），田纪云仍为政治局委员并继续任副总理，但只分管农业，实力大不如前。从此，山东的局面也随之迅速转向，最明显的表现就是马忠臣的失势和赵志浩的“突起”。
从这里也可以看出来，任何一个正部级单位都是
都是中共中央权力斗争的延申
所以不可能有上海帮，不可能有团派，不可能红二代
中央换人了下面上海啊共青团都要跟换人
无非就是有时间差，不会完全同步
赵志浩，1931年生，山东龙口人，1983年至1985年曾任山东省委办公厅主任，深得山东地方元老的“赏识”，后下派担任工业大市——淄博市委书记。
山东地方元老到底是谁赏识赵志浩呢？
这个地方元老是谁呢，原作者没有说
我查资料，大概是杨得志，白如冰，苏毅然
这三位山东前任省委书记，当时可能叫革委会主任，或者叫第一书记
我也没有查的很仔细
为什么杨得志，白如冰，苏毅然
这三位都是周恩来派系呢？
杨得志和白如冰都是文革中没有倒台啊
1971年，1974年
文革中没有倒台那大概率就是毛泽东或者周恩来派系
因为刘少奇或者邓小平派系，文革中倒台了
杨得志（1971年3月 – 1974年11月），可能是周恩来派系
白如冰（1974年11月 – 1982年12月），可能是周恩来派系
苏毅然（1982年12月 – 1985年6月），可能是周恩来派系
一切历史都是当代史，如果历史不能现在发生联系
那就没有什么意义了，
这里面和今天发生联系的是什么呢？
就是张又侠的爸爸张宗逊
张宗逊当年举报杨得志的副手袁升平
杨得志是第一书记，袁升平是第二书记
因此张宗逊升任了总后勤部的部长
不过文革之后就被勒令退休，赶回家去了
所以有一人军人身带弓
张又侠他爸张宗逊就是一个二五仔
张又侠当叛徒是有传统的
张又侠的爸爸张宗逊当年原来是周恩来派系的
后来投靠了江青，当上了总后勤部的部长
现在张又侠会不会和他把张宗逊一样
背叛习包子呢，不好说
1988年1月山东省七届人大一次会议召开，所谓选举结果是：省长姜春云，副省长马忠臣、马世忠、谭庆琏、赵志浩、李春亭。此时赵志浩还只是排名第四位的副省长。
1988年12月中共山东省委召开第五次代表大会，姜春云接替时年已67岁的梁步庭出任省委书记，由于当时全国都搞机构精减，所以副书记只设两名，分别是马忠臣和赵志浩（赵志浩只有10个月的副省级资历，显然是跃升）。马忠臣身为省委副书记（排第一）、常务副省长，又是两届中央候补委员（赵不是），接任省长本应顺理成章，但高层（陈云、李鹏）为了阻止他接任，故意让姜春云再兼任一段省长，以增加赵志浩的资历。
梁步庭也值得说一说
为什么值得说呢
当然还是因为一切历史都是现代史
梁步庭是胡耀邦的人
而且梁步庭是一个证据
证明江泽民是胡耀邦提拔的一个证据
梁步庭1974年2月担任221厂的厂长
221厂就是一个造原子弹的工厂，占地面积差不多是两个上海那么大
内部上下班通勤都是用火车的
梁步庭为什么是胡耀邦的人呢
这是赵紫阳说的
赵紫阳：《改革历程》，2009年5月第二版第215－217页
《改革历程》是原中国共产党中央委员会总书记赵紫阳的回忆录，于2009年5月29日于香港新世纪出版社出版
薄一波还向我说过，山东省委书记梁步庭，是耀邦的人，同耀邦关系密切。说山东是个大省，要换。我也借些理由没同意动。自然，一个人不动也是不行的。像中宣部长朱厚泽，牵连较大，不得不动。还有组织部的尉健行、公安部的阮崇武。组织部也好，公安部也好，这些都是老人极为重视，必须由他们熟悉的人掌握才放心的敏感部门。
所以说梁步庭是胡耀邦的人，这是赵紫阳说的
他的说法是比较权威的
因为他曾经就是总书记，知道中共黑帮的内幕
但是我们也不能赵紫阳说什么就信什么
1983年7月24日，胡耀邦视察221厂，当时已经升任山东省委书记的梁步庭陪同。
有这个证据佐证，再加上赵紫阳的说法
这个证据佐证赵紫阳的说法比较靠谱
1989年2月，马忠臣辞去兼任的副省长，专任省委常务副书记。1989年3月山东省七届人大二次会议召开，赵志浩正式接替了姜春云出任山东省省长，但作为省委副书记仍旧排在马忠臣之后，这在全国来说都属少见（极个别特殊省区除外）。在这次会议上，宋法棠等人被补选为副省长，也相当于取得一定的平衡。
至此，马忠臣在山东已很难再呆下去，于是在1990年11月被分管农业的田纪云调任农业部副部长、党组副书记，中共十四大上仍旧只是连任中央候补委员。直到1992年12月才有机会调任农业大省——河南省当省长，之后又苦等了五年多才升任河南省委书记。在中共十五大上，曾连续担任了三届中央候补委员的马忠臣终于当上了一届中央委员。
马忠臣在河南可能和李长春，程维高有交集
我没有仔细查时间对不对的上
程维高又涉及到习近平怎么上位这个核心问题
顺便说一句，正是出于上述原因，田纪云才将自家的后生田承忠（编者按：田纪云三弟田纪震的儿子，曾经湖北副省长，湖北人大副主任）安排在河南发展。
大家注意啊
李克强也在河南，李克强为什么去河南
这个作者《驴说人事》已经解释的清清楚楚了
因为赵紫阳的亲信，田纪云的亲信在河南
其实这篇文章写于2005年，李克强1998年就去河南了
但是当时的作者并没有提到李克强
因为李克强当时还不是总理
因此没有人注意
20年后我们再看这篇文章
当时的作者没有注意到李克强
但是20年前
这个作者《驴说人事》已经把李克强为什么去河南
给解释的清清楚楚的
2005年，习近平是浙江省委书记，李克强是辽宁省委书记
这个作者《驴说人事》
虽然20年前他没有预测未来
但是20年后我们一看
20年前他就已经说清楚了
就是这么神奇
继马忠臣之后，“泰安系”的另一重要代表人物宋法棠（籍贯临沂郯城）也经历了与马忠臣类似的情况，先是发展得很顺利，从1989年担任山东省副省长起，几年间就先后升任省委常委、副省长，省委副书记、副省长、常务副省长，第十五届中央候补委员，但终究没能当上山东省的省长，只能感叹冯唐易老，李广难封。无奈之下，只好远走他乡，出关到最北的黑龙江省任省长、省委书记。
黑龙江和今天政坛有什么关系呢？
彭丽媛的哈尔滨帮已经挖出来了
其实，还有栗战书那一部分，要深挖
就是栗战书和程维高决定了习近平的上位
青岛路虎王慧的后台是习近平情人高歌，新华锦高管毕金泉和青岛市委书记曾赞荣
高歌和习近平的关系
高歌曾经任职，其实就是吃空饷的公司
这六个公司，每一个公司要么是习近平家族的公司
要么是朱镕基的公司，要么是朱镕基大弟子王岐山的公司
高歌2002年到2005年是普天系统集成的副总经理
他的母公司是电科集团
电科集团里就是苟仲文原来的电子工业部改名叫电科集团了
前几个月他的副总何文忠抓了
接着呢
2006年高歌又去了新华锦
新华锦是谁呢
新华锦里有个高管叫毕金泉
他跟毕井泉的名字就差了一个字
他们两个人到底什么关系啊
毕井泉是谁
毕井泉是朱镕基大弟子王岐山的秘书
这个毕金泉，毕井泉和新华锦就是
青岛路虎女王慧的后台
青岛市委书记曾赞荣就是习近平的马仔
就是青岛路虎女王慧的后台
2012年到2015年高歌是银华基金的董事
现在的银华基金是西南证券，第一创业证券和东北证券三家的大股东啊
山西海鑫实业股份只有0.9%
但是他以前不止这么多
2004年海鑫旗下的山西海鑫实业股份有限公司以5.9亿元的价格受让民生银行1.6亿股，2007年上半年牛市高点抛售，套现超过10个亿。
估计海鑫也就是代持，肯定不是他的啊
海鑫从哪里接手的这民生银行的股份呢？是从中色股份
中色股份就涉及到吴邦国，吴邦国的秘书陈全训是中国有色金属工业协会的会长。梁青玩的也是有色。五矿就是香港的苹果日报的黎智英曝光，经过梁青的资本运作，五矿由国企变成了私人企业，变成了朱镕基的女婿梁青家的，所以黎智英就被抓了。
中色股份这些事情是马建堂说的。就是当事人本人亲口说的，马建堂当时是经贸委的综合司的司长。综合司呢就相当于大秘。经贸委就是朱镕基的。后来马建堂是青海的副省长
2013年到2015年高歌是太平保险集团董事会办公室总经理
这个太平保险呢
和彭丽娟老公徐兴建的信达保险公司是合作关系
2015年呢
高歌在鲁信投资担任职务
鲁信投资之前的那个董事长总经理叫孟凡利
现在是深圳的市委书记
孟凡利的鲁信投资和齐桥桥习远平一起做生意的
到了2016年7月
高歌又去北京银行当董事
北京银行前行长闫冰竹也抓了
他是北京的北京银行嘛
朱镕基大弟子王岐山的
你看看高歌都在什么公司干过啊
电科集团
电科集团是习近平家啊
你说这个孟宏伟一个公安部的部长的老婆
在总书记和总理
你看这些人朱镕基的
朱镕基大弟子王岐山的
彭丽娟，徐兴建
习远平的公司
其实，高歌和习近平的关系远远不止这些
还有民建，
全称是中国民主建国会，中国所谓的八个民主党派之一
因为高歌是中国民主建国会青岛市委员会副主委、全国青联委员
包括苟仲文的弟弟苟仲武也是民建的
青岛市委书记俞正声是邓小平胡锦涛派系的
李群，王清宪，曾赞荣都是习近平派系的
只有陆治原是赵乐际提拔的
是胡锦涛用他儿子胡海峰背书的
因为陆治原现在是民政部长
胡海峰是民政部副部长
胡锦涛当然也是一个独裁者
但是现在胡锦涛已经下台了
而且被习近平从二十大会场叉出去了
所以习近平派出那么多大外宣的目的是什么？
就是要把脏水泼到胡锦涛儿子胡海峰背书的
民政部长陆治原身上
替习近平的马仔曾赞荣洗地
好的
谢谢大家
英文翻译
“Qingdao Land Rover Wang Hui’s backers are Xi Jinping’s lover Gao Ge, Xinhuajin Bi Jinquan and Zeng Zanrong. The relationship between Bi Jinquan and Bi Jingquan.”
Hello everyone,
Qingdao Land Rover Wang Hui’s backers are Xi Jinping’s lover Gao Ge, Xinhuajin executive Bi Jinquan and Qingdao Municipal Party Secretary Zeng Zanrong
This corrupt interest group.
Before introducing the background of
Gao Ge, Xinhuajin executive Bi Jinquan and Qingdao Municipal Party Secretary Zeng Zanrong
I will first give you a brief introduction to
Shandong officialdom factions
Shandong officialdom and Xi Jinping’s relationship
With this background knowledge
It will be much easier to understand the affairs of the Chinese officialdom
Qingdao Land Rover Wang Hui’s backers
If you want to talk about Shandong officialdom
I must introduce this article that I have delayed introducing to you for a long time
The author is called “Donkey Talks about Human Affairs”
Everyone see the time is 2005
Amazing, right?
In 2005, someone had predicted what would happen 20 years later. Now it is 19 years later. I can tell you that this person is not a time traveler, he does not know what will happen later. Xi Jinping will be re-elected for life. But according to the framework of his article, if we analyze it, it can explain everything about China’s political arena today. Not 100%, but 80 to 90 percent. It is so magical. Predicting the future 20 years ago is actually not magical. Because the current state of China’s political arena was half-determined at the 12th National Congress in 1982. In the third echelon, Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun promoted Li Peng and Hu Jintao. The two of them influenced the trend of China’s political arena. Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji came later, and Xi Baozi was in power. Years are nothing
That is to say, this person, “Donkey Talks About Human Affairs”
can predict what will happen today 20 years ago
just because the framework of China’s political arena was determined 40 years ago
That is to say, 20 years ago, he actually looked at what had happened 20 years before
At that time, he summarized the events from 1982 to 2005
about 20 years
It can only be said that his judgment was very accurate at that time
because 20 years ago, if you summarized the events from 1982 to 2005
if your judgment is correct, then 20 years later
that is, now I use the events from 2005 to 2024
to check 2005, his statement
is completely correct
The title of his article is called
“Talking about Shandong (I) “The Proxy Struggle of Two Major Powers”
The two major powers mentioned by this author
refer to
Li Peng and Tian Jiyun
In fact, behind Li Peng is Chen Yun
Behind Tian Jiyun are Zhao Ziyang and Deng Xiaoping
I changed the title to be more direct
“Talking about Shandong: The Proxy Struggle of Two Major Powers Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun”
After explaining Shandong clearly
You will be inspired
Any ministerial-level unit will not have only one faction
This is contrary to the Communist Party’s dictatorship
Any department of the Communist Party must listen to the Party Central Committee
Right
So there is no Youth League faction, no Shanghai Gang, no Oil Gang
The Ministry of Petroleum Industry and the Ministry of Chemical Industry
These are two departments, and they really belong to two factions respectively
That is, oil extraction and oil processing belong to two factions
The Ministry of Petroleum Industry is the extraction department, Yu Qiuli, Kang Shien, Hu Yaobang, Jiang Zemin, etc.
Their faction is dominant, but there are other factions
What about the Ministry of Chemical Industry? The Party Secretary of the National Fertilizer Industry Company of the Ministry of Chemical Industry is Zhou Taihe, Chen Yun’s secretary
Chen Yun’s secretary Zhou Taihe’s secretary Sheng Huaren is the general manager of China National Petroleum and Chemical Corporation
This faction is the Chen Yun faction, which is the Xi Jinping faction
I mentioned the first secretaries of the Communist Youth League before
Wang Zhaoguo, Hu Jintao, Song Defu, Li Keqiang, Hu Chunhua
These people are from the Deng Xiaoping and Hu Jintao faction
Later Zhou Qiang, Lu Hao, Qin Yizhi, He Junke, Adong
None of them are from the Hu Jintao faction
The Communist Youth League is equivalent to a province in China
The then general secretary or prime minister has the final say on who to promote to be the first secretary of the Communist Youth League
The current Adong was promoted by Xi Jinping and has nothing to do with Hu Jintao
Behind Li Peng and Tian Jiyun is the dispute between Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun. The power struggle between Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun plus the so-called oil gang Hu Yaobang and Jiang Zemin is the entire history of China from 1978 to 2024. In fact, it is the three major factions in the Mao Zedong era, Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, and Liu Shaoqi. In the Deng Xiaoping era, there are still three major factions. Hu Yaobang and Jiang Zemin inherited the political power of Hua Guofeng, a moderate of Mao Zedong. Deng Xiaoping was a figure in Mao Zedong’s era, and Chen Yun and Li Peng inherited the political power of Zhou Enlai. It is enough to say a very simple common sense. As the founder of the CCP gang, Mao Zedong’s political power cannot completely disappear.
Cui Jian said that as long as the portrait of Mao Zedong is still hanging on Tiananmen Square, we are all of the same generation
The power struggle between Deng Xiaoping and Zhao Ziyang is an illusion, or a superficial phenomenon, and a distraction. It will interfere with our understanding of Chinese history. Deng Xiaoping and Zhao Ziyang fell into Chen Yun’s plan to alienate them. Later, Deng Xiaoping understood and asked Zhao Ziyang to come back three times. The three visits to the thatched cottage showed that Deng Xiaoping was sincere. The fight between Jiang and Hu is also a superficial phenomenon, or a distraction, which interferes with our understanding of Chinese history. In essence, Zhu Rongji is instigating discord.
Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun could not agree, and the third faction Jiang Zemin took over. Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao were arguing, and a third faction, Xi Jinping, took over.
Let’s look at
the article in “Donkey Talks About Human Affairs”
Speaking of Shandong, we must mention Tian Jiyun.
Tian Jiyun is from Feicheng, Shandong, and Feicheng is under the jurisdiction of Tai’an.
That is to say, if we simply divide it by geography, Tai’an is Zhao Ziyang’s sphere of influence
that is, Deng Xiaoping and Hu Jintao’s sphere of influence
Jiaodong is Li Peng’s sphere of influence, that is, Xi Jinping’s sphere of influence
Think about why Shenzhen Municipal Party Committee Secretary Meng Fanli was originally the mayor of Yantai
Why are Xi Yuanping’s cronies in Yantai, Shandong?
Of course, this simple and rough division method is the situation in the 1980s and 1990s
And it is not accurate, for example, Yu Zhengsheng is from Deng Xiaoping’s faction, and he is from Qingdao
Even today, Xi Jinping has the upper hand, but Qingdao also has the influence of Hu Jintao or Jiang Zemin
Just not much
The incident of Wang Hui of Qingdao Land Rover will be mentioned later
Let’s continue to watch
Tian Jiyun engaged in so-called “revolutionary” work in Shandong in his early years, and later went south to Guizhou, and then transferred to Sichuan, thus becoming Zhao Ziyang, the first secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee at the time. After Zhao Ziyang was promoted to Premier, he transferred Tian Jiyun to Beijing in 1981 to serve as Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council. Just two years later, he was promoted to Deputy Premier and Secretary-General of the State Council.
That is to say, Tian Jiyun was Zhao Ziyang’s chief secretary.
The issue of chief secretary is also worth breaking down and talking about.
For example, at the level of provincial party secretaries, most provincial party secretaries are close confidants of provincial party secretaries.
But there are exceptions to everything.
What is the reason?
That is to say, the provincial party secretary cannot promote the provincial party secretary.
But it can be operated.
That is to say, since a person is the provincial party secretary, he must be a close confidant of the general secretary or the premier.
The provincial party secretary has no power to promote the provincial party secretary, but the general secretary does.
If the provincial party secretary happens to be a close confidant of the general secretary at the time, it would be much easier.
After 1985, Tian Jiyun became a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, a secretary of the Central Secretariat, and served as the deputy head of the Central Financial and Economic Leading Group. He was very powerful for a time. Although Tian Jiyun has been out of Shandong for more than 30 years, he has always been “missing” the development of his hometown. After he became a high-ranking official, he paid close attention to the situation in Shandong, and paid special attention to Tai’an, his hometown, and often went back to his “hometown” for inspection. He also transferred his younger brother Tian Jian from Guizhou Province back to Shandong to serve as deputy secretary-general and director of the General Office of the Provincial Party Committee. Later, he served as Minister of the United Front Work Department of the Provincial Party Committee, Vice Chairman of the Provincial CPPCC, and Deputy Secretary of the Party Group until he retired in April 1998.
Tai’an was also the hometown of Wan Li, another vice premier at the time (Wan Li was from Dongping County, Tai’an). Because of this relationship, Tian Jiyun and Wan Li had a close relationship.
As the “parent official” of the hometown of the central leaders, Ma Zhongchen (a native of Tai’an), then secretary of the Tai’an Prefectural Party Committee, was able to rise step by step under the protection of these two “mountains”. He became an alternate member of the Central Committee at the 12th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 1982 (at the age of 46), and was a “young and strong” member of Shandong’s political arena. In 1985, Tai’an, which was relatively backward at the time, “broke the rules” and established a city. Ma Zhongchen, the former secretary of the prefectural party committee, became the secretary of the municipal party committee, and Song Fatang, the former secretary of the county-level Tai’an Municipal Party Committee, became the mayor of the prefecture-level Tai’an City. Subsequently, Ma Zhongchen began to make great strides in his career. In March 1986, he was appointed as the deputy secretary-general of the Shandong Provincial Government and the deputy secretary of the Party Group of the General Office. In May of the same year, he was promoted to the deputy governor of Shandong Province, the deputy secretary of the Party Group and the secretary-general of the provincial government (Song Fatang took over as the secretary of the Tai’an Municipal Party Committee). The governor of Shandong Province at this time was Li Changan, an old subordinate of Wan Li, who was a decent member of the central government.
In 1987, the central political situation “changed suddenly”, with Hu Yaobang leaving and Zhao Ziyang taking over. At this time, the power balance at the top level was tilted towards Zhao Ziyang, Wan Li, and Tian Jiyun, and Tian Jiyun was in a good position to become the next prime minister. In order to meet the needs of the change of leadership, Tian Jiyun urgently transferred Ma Zhongchen to Beijing in April 1987 to serve as Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council and Deputy Secretary of the Party Group of the State Council (he failed to take up the post due to obstruction by someone. Editor’s note: it is speculated that it was someone from Chen Yun’s faction. Who was it? It might be Li Peng). Two months later, Ma Zhongchen returned to Shandong to continue serving as Deputy Governor. Therefore, Tian Jiyun transferred Li Changan back to Beijing to serve as Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council, and the Governor of Shandong Province was succeeded by Jiang Chunyun, then Deputy Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee and Secretary of the Jinan Municipal Party Committee (Editor’s note: Jiang Chunyun is from the Chen Yun and Zhu Rongji faction).
Jiang Chunyun, Jin Renqing, and Zhang Yujun died on the same day.
They could even choose a date.
In fact, looking at this process, both Deng Xiaoping and Zhao Ziyang were blinded by greed and could not resist the temptation of power. They thought that if Hu Yaobang was removed, Tian Jiyun would be the prime minister.
In the end, it was Li Peng who became the prime minister.
In October 1987, at the 13th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the personnel decision was finalized (Editor’s note: Chen Yun replaced Deng Xiaoping as the director of the Central Advisory Commission, which was the highest authority in China at the time). Li Peng was promoted to the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau and then became the acting prime minister (became a full member the following year). Tian Jiyun remained a member of the Political Bureau and continued to serve as the vice premier, but was only in charge of agriculture, and his strength was much weaker than before. From then on, the situation in Shandong also changed rapidly, and the most obvious manifestation was the loss of power by Ma Zhongchen and the “rise” of Zhao Zhihao.
It can also be seen from here that any ministerial-level unit is an extension of the power struggle of the CPC Central Committee. Therefore, there can be no Shanghai Gang, no Youth League faction, and no second generation of reds. When the central government changes people, the Communist Youth League in Shanghai must also change people. It’s just that there is a time difference and it won’t be completely synchronized. Zhao Zhihao, born in 1931, was from Longkou, Shandong. From 1983 to 1985, he served as the director of the General Office of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee. He was deeply “appreciated” by the local elders of Shandong. Later, he was sent to serve as the secretary of the industrial city-Zibo Municipal Party Committee. Who is the local elder in Shandong who appreciated Zhao Zhihao? Who is this local elder? The original author did not say. I checked the information and it was probably Yang Dezhi, Bai Rubing, and Su Yiran. These three former secretaries of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee may have been called the director of the Revolutionary Committee or the first secretary at the time. I didn’t check it very carefully. Why are Yang Dezhi, Bai Rubing, and Su Yiran all from Zhou Enlai’s faction? Yang Dezhi and Bai Rubing did not fall during the Cultural Revolution.
1971, 1974
If they did not fall during the Cultural Revolution, they were probably from Mao Zedong or Zhou Enlai’s faction.
Because Liu Shaoqi or Deng Xiaoping’s faction fell during the Cultural Revolution.
Yang Dezhi (March 1971 – November 1974), probably from Zhou Enlai’s faction.
Bai Rubing (November 1974 – December 1982), probably from Zhou Enlai’s faction.
Su Yiran (December 1982 – June 1985), probably from Zhou Enlai’s faction.
All history is contemporary history. If history cannot be connected now,
then it is meaningless.
What is connected with today?
It is Zhang Youxia’s father Zhang Zongshun
Zhang Zongshun reported Yang Dezhi’s deputy Yuan Shengping
Yang Dezhi was the first secretary and Yuan Shengping was the second secretary
Therefore, Zhang Zongshun was promoted to the head of the General Logistics Department
But after the Cultural Revolution, he was ordered to retire and rushed back home
So there is a soldier with a bow
Zhang Youxia’s father Zhang Zongshun is a traitor
There is a tradition of Zhang Youxia being a traitor
Zhang Youxia’s father Zhang Zongshun was originally from Zhou Enlai’s faction
Later, he surrendered to Jiang Qing and became the head of the General Logistics Department
Now, will Zhang Youxia betray Xi Baozi like him, Zhang Zongshun, it’s hard to say
In January 1988, the first session of the Seventh People’s Congress of Shandong Province was held. The so-called election results were: Governor Jiang Chunyun, Vice Governors Ma Zhongchen, Ma Shizhong, Tan Qinglian, Zhao Zhihao, and Li Chunting. At this time, Zhao Zhihao was only the fourth-ranked vice governor
In December 1988, the Shandong Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China held its fifth congress. Jiang Chunyun replaced Liang Buting, who was 67 years old at the time, as the provincial party secretary. Since the country was reducing institutions at the time, there were only two deputy secretaries, Ma Zhongchen and Zhao Zhihao (Zhao Zhihao only had 10 months of deputy provincial qualifications, which was obviously a leap). Ma Zhongchen was the deputy secretary of the provincial party committee (ranked first), executive vice governor, and a two-term alternate member of the Central Committee (Zhao was not). It should have been natural for him to take over as governor, but the top leaders (Chen Yun and Li Peng) deliberately let Jiang Chunyun serve as governor for a period of time to increase Zhao Zhihao’s qualifications in order to prevent him from taking over.
Liang Buting is also worth talking about. Why is it worth talking about? Of course, it is because all history is modern history. Liang Buting is Hu Yaobang’s man. Liang Buting is a piece of evidence. Evidence that Jiang Zemin was promoted by Hu Yaobang. Liang Buting served as the director of Factory 221 in February 1974. Factory 221 is a factory that makes atomic bombs, covering an area that is almost twice the size of Shanghai. Internal commuting is by train. Why is Liang Buting Hu Yaobang’s man? This is what Zhao Ziyang said. Zhao Ziyang: “Reform Process”, second edition, May 2009, pages 215-217. “Reform Process” is the memoir of Zhao Ziyang, former General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, published by Hong Kong New Century Publishing House on May 29, 2009. Bo Yibo also told me that Liang Buting, Secretary of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee, is Yaobang’s man and has a close relationship with Yaobang. He said that Shandong is a big province and needs to be replaced. I also used some reasons not to agree to move. Naturally, it is not possible for one person not to move. For example, Zhu Houze, the Minister of Propaganda, was implicated and had to be moved. There was also Wei Jianxing from the Organization Department and Ruan Chongwu from the Public Security Department. Whether it was the Organization Department or the Public Security Department, these were sensitive departments that the old people attached great importance to and had to be controlled by people they were familiar with.
So it was said by Zhao Ziyang that Liang Buting was Hu Yaobang’s man.
His statement was more authoritative.
Because he was the general secretary and knew the inside story of the Chinese Communist Party gang.
But we can’t believe everything Zhao Ziyang said.
On July 24, 1983, Hu Yaobang inspected Factory 221, accompanied by Liang Buting, who had been promoted to Secretary of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee.
With this evidence, plus Zhao Ziyang’s statement,
This evidence proves that Zhao Ziyang’s statement is more reliable.
In February 1989, Ma Zhongchen resigned from his concurrent position as vice governor and became the executive vice secretary of the provincial party committee. In March 1989, the second session of the Seventh People’s Congress of Shandong Province was held. Zhao Zhihao officially replaced Jiang Chunyun as the governor of Shandong Province, but as the deputy secretary of the provincial party committee, he still ranked behind Ma Zhongchen, which was rare in the country (except for very few special provinces and regions). At this meeting, Song Fatang and others were elected as deputy governors, which was equivalent to achieving a certain balance.
At this point, it was difficult for Ma Zhongchen to continue in ShandongHe stayed, so in November 1990, Tian Jiyun, who was in charge of agriculture, was transferred to the position of Deputy Minister and Deputy Secretary of the Party Group of the Ministry of Agriculture. At the 14th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, he was still only re-elected as an alternate member of the Central Committee. It was not until December 1992 that he had the opportunity to be transferred to Henan Province, a major agricultural province, as governor. After that, he waited for more than five years before being promoted to Secretary of the Henan Provincial Party Committee. At the 15th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, Ma Zhongchen, who had served as an alternate member of the Central Committee for three consecutive terms, finally became a member of the Central Committee for one term.
Ma Zhongchen may have had intersections with Li Changchun and Cheng Weigao in Henan
I didn’t check the time carefully to see if it was correct
Cheng Weigao also involved the core issue of how Xi Jinping came to power
By the way, it was for the above reasons that Tian Jiyun arranged his young man Tian Chengzhong (Editor’s note: the son of Tian Jiyun’s third brother Tian Jizhen, who was once the deputy governor of Hubei and deputy director of the Hubei People’s Congress) to develop in Henan.
Everyone, please pay attention. Li Keqiang is also in Henan. Why did Li Keqiang go to Henan? This author, “Donkey Talks About People”, has explained it clearly. Because Zhao Ziyang’s cronies and Tian Jiyun’s cronies are in Henan. In fact, this article was written in 2005. Li Keqiang went to Henan in 1998. But the author at that time did not mention Li Keqiang. Because Li Keqiang was not the prime minister at that time, no one paid attention to it. 20 years later, we read this article again. The author at that time did not pay attention to Li Keqiang. But 20 years ago, this author, “Donkey Talks About People”, has explained why Li Keqiang went to Henan clearly. In 2005, Xi Jinping was the secretary of the Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee. Remember, Li Keqiang is the Secretary of Liaoning Provincial Party Committee
This author “Donkey Talks about Human Affairs”
Although he did not predict the future 20 years ago
But 20 years later, we can see that he had already made it clear 20 years ago
It’s so magical
After Ma Zhongchen, Song Fatang (native of Linyi Tancheng), another important representative of the “Tai’an faction”, also experienced a similar situation to Ma Zhongchen. He developed very smoothly at first. Since he served as the vice governor of Shandong Province in 1989, he was successively promoted to member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, vice governor, deputy secretary of the Provincial Party Committee, vice governor, executive vice governor, and alternate member of the 15th Central Committee in a few years, but he failed to become the governor of Shandong Province. He could only sigh that Feng Tang is easy to grow old, and Li Guang is hard to be appointed. In desperation, he had to leave his hometown and go out of the pass to the northernmost Heilongjiang Province to serve as governor and secretary of the Provincial Party Committee.
What is the relationship between Heilongjiang and today’s political arena?
Peng Liyuan’s Harbin gang has been dug out
In fact, there is also the part about Li Zhanshu, which needs to be dug deeper
It is Li Zhanshu and Cheng Weigao who decided Xi Jinping’s rise to power
The backer of Qingdao Land Rover Wang Hui is Xi Jinping’s lover Gao Ge, Xinhuajin executive Bi Jinquan and Qingdao Municipal Party Committee Secretary Zeng Zanrong
The relationship between Gao Ge and Xi Jinping
Gao Ge once worked for companies that were actually empty salaries
Each of these six companies is either a company of Xi Jinping’s family
or a company of Zhu Rongji, or a company of Zhu Rongji’s disciple Wang Qishan
Gao Ge was the deputy general manager of Putian System Integration from 2002 to 2005
His parent company is China Electronics Technology Group
In China Electronics Technology Group, there is Gou Zhongwen, the original Ministry of Electronics Industry was renamed China Electronics Technology Group
A few months ago, his deputy general manager He Wenzhong was arrested
Then
In 2006, Gao Ge went to Xinhuajin again
Who is Xinhuajin?
New There is a senior executive in Huajinli named Bi Jinquan
There is only one character difference between his name and Bi Jingquan
What is the relationship between the two of them?
Who is Bi Jingquan?
Bi Jingquan is the secretary of Wang Qishan, Zhu Rongji’s disciple
This Bi Jinquan, Bi Jingquan and Xinhuajin are
The backers of Wang Hui, the daughter of Qingdao Land Rover
Zeng Zanrong, secretary of the Qingdao Municipal Party Committee, is Xi Jinping’s henchman
The backers of Wang Hui, the daughter of Qingdao Land Rover
From 2012 to 2015, Gao Ge was a director of Yinhua Fund
The current Yinhua Fund is the major shareholder of Southwest Securities, First Capital Securities and Northeast Securities
Shanxi Haixin Industrial Co., Ltd. only has 0.9% of the shares
But he used to have more than that
In 2004, Shanxi Haixin Industrial Co., Ltd., a subsidiary of Haixin, acquired 160 million shares of Minsheng Bank at a price of 590 million yuan, and sold them at the peak of the bull market in the first half of 2007, cashing in more than 1 billion yuan.
It is estimated that Haixin is just holding on behalf of others, and it is definitely not his
Where did Haixin take over the shares of Minsheng Bank? It was from CNMC
CNMC involved Wu Bangguo, and Wu Bangguo’s secretary Chen Quanxun was the president of the China Nonferrous Metals Industry Association. Liang Qing was also involved in nonferrous metals. Minmetals was exposed by Jimmy Lai of Hong Kong’s Apple Daily. After Liang Qing’s capital operation, Minmetals changed from a state-owned enterprise to a private enterprise, and became the family of Liang Qing, Zhu Rongji’s son-in-law, so Jimmy Lai was arrested.
These things about CNMC were said by Ma Jiantang. It was said by the person involved himself. Ma Jiantang was the director of the General Affairs Department of the Economic and Trade Commission at that time. The General Affairs Department is equivalent to the chief secretary. The Economic and Trade Commission belongs to Zhu Rongji. Later, Ma Jiantang was the vice governor of Qinghai.
From 2013 to 2015, Gao Ge was the general manager of the board office of Taiping Insurance Group.
This Taiping Insurance is in cooperation with Peng Lijuan’s husband Xu Xingjian’s Xinda Insurance Company.
In 2015, Gao Ge worked in Luxin Investment.
The previous chairman and general manager of Luxin Investment was Meng Fanli.
He is now the secretary of the Shenzhen Municipal Party Committee.
Meng Fanli’s Luxin Investment and Qi Qiaoqiao and Xi Yuanping do business together.
In July 2016, Gao Ge went to Beijing Bank as a director.
Yan Bingzhu, the former president of Beijing Bank, was also arrested.
He is from Beijing Bank.
Wang Qishan, the disciple of Zhu Rongji.
Look at what companies Gao Ge has worked in.
China Electronics Technology Group. China Electronics Technology Group is Xi Jinping’s family.
You said that Meng Hongwei, the wife of a minister of the Ministry of Public Security, is in the position of general secretary and prime minister.
Look at these people, Zhu Rongji’s.
Zhu Rongji Jida disciple Wang Qishan’s
Peng Lijuan, Xu Xingjian
Xi Yuanping’s company
In fact, Gao Ge’s relationship with Xi Jinping goes far beyond these
There is also the China Democratic National Construction Association,
The full name is China Democratic National Construction Association, one of the so-called eight democratic parties in China
Because Gao Ge is the vice chairman of the Qingdao Municipal Committee of the China Democratic National Construction Association and a member of the All-China Youth Federation
Including Gou Zhongwen’s younger brother Gou Zhongwu is also a member of the China Democratic National Construction Association
Qingdao Municipal Party Committee Secretary Yu Zhengsheng is from the Deng Xiaoping and Hu Jintao faction
Li Qun, Wang Qingxian, Zeng Zanrong are all from the Xi Jinping faction
Only Lu Zhiyuan was promoted by Zhao Leji
Hu Jintao endorsed him with his son Hu Haifeng
Because Lu Zhiyuan is now the Minister of Civil Affairs
Hu Haifeng is the Deputy Minister of Civil Affairs
Hu Jintao is of course also a dictator
But now Hu Jintao has stepped down
And was kicked out of the 20th National Congress by Xi Jinping
So what is the purpose of Xi Jinping sending so many big foreign propaganda?
They just want to throw dirty water on Hu Jintao’s son Hu Haifeng who endorsed him
Minister of Civil Affairs Lu Zhiyuan
to clean up Xi Jinping’s henchman Zeng Zanrong
Okay
Thank you everyone