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骂习近平小学学历的王珉亲信于立军任四川省副书记。习近平御驾亲征挡不住李克强亲信王维平升任广西副书记。
四川省副书记于立军是骂习近平小学学历的王珉大秘陈超英提拔的。
习近平为了和李克强对着干，李克强去广西当人大代表，习近平就去广西当党代表
结果这都没有阻止李克强的亲信王维平升任广西副书记。
这还不证明习包子彻底凉凉，御驾亲征，都不管用
于立军任四川省委副书记，王维平任广西党委副书记。
开始动副书记这个级别了。之前几乎都只是省委常委副部级，现在要动副书记和正部级了。胡帆任广西副主席，尹丽波任海南副省长。这四个人里面最有梗的是谁啊？是四川副书记于立军，于立军有王珉的背景。王珉因为骂习近平是小学学历被抓了。正常情况下，习近平绝对是不会让王珉的亲信上位的啊。
骂习近平的人都能上位，我们先来看一下这个最有梗的于立军啊。2003年，时年36岁的于立军出任天津大学党委副书记，副校长。跻身学校领导层，直到2007年离开天津大学。在这之前呢，于立军担任校长办公室副主任，天津大学团委书记，校长助理等职务。当时的校长是单平 (1997年 – 2006年7月)，当时的党委书记是刘建平（2002年 – 2016年9月），单平可能是李瑞环的人，刘建平是习仲勋派系的。刘建平原来是北京市教育系统的官员，是何鲁丽提拔的，何鲁丽是习仲勋担任中央书记处书记，主管统战工作的时候提拔的。何鲁丽是民革的主席。
单平为什么是李瑞环的人呢？因为当初，教育部想要把天津大学和南开大学合并。单平不同意，李瑞环支持了单平的意见，因此猜测单平是李瑞环的人。因为天津的事情绕不开李瑞环啊。当时，教育部内定天大和南开合校并已将刘胜玉调到天津进行过渡准备接任合校后新学校的党委书记。当时天大的教职工和学生都强烈反对合校。单平校长虽然平常遇事以和为上，但在这件事上态度是很坚决的即坚决反对合校。最后此事闹到了木匠那里，木匠应该是指李瑞环，木匠问为什么其它直辖市可以有两所重点建设的高校，天津市为什么只能有一所？(这里李瑞环似乎是支持了单平的观点)于是时任的礼部尚书兼内阁大学士(猜测，是不是指的是当时的教育部长陈至立？)改了主意，维持原状，建设投资一家一半。这下天津市的头头们(当时的天津市委书记是张立昌 (1997年8月 – 2007年3月)，天津市长是李盛霖 (1998年5月 – 2002年12月))在木匠(李瑞环)那里算是丢尽了面子
所以，别看天津大学这个庙小，政治斗争还挺激烈的。而且这里也可以看出来，习仲勋根本就不是改革派，都是习近平担任中国国家副主席，成为中国的接班人之后。请大外宣写的故事，造的舆论欺骗大家。李瑞环才是改革派啊，李瑞环是同性恋，是性少数群体。当然了，你要说同性恋也有小粉红，那就没法聊了。确实有啊。天生是共产党独裁镇压的对象，还支持共产党。那没法说了。
之前的视频说了，白恩培是习仲勋的铁杆马仔马文瑞提拔的。白恩培和胡耀邦的亲信白纪年就有矛盾。到了天津大学这里。习仲勋的亲信刘建平和李瑞环的亲信单平就有矛盾。后来单平就被报复了，给了一个处分。
于立军离开天津大学的时间和单平完全吻合。单平2006年7月下台，估计就是习仲勋的亲信刘建平给挤兑下台了。于立军2007年也离开了天津大学，时间线是完全吻合的。
2007年，40岁的于立军离开天津大学，进入天津市教育主管部门工作，先后任天津市教委副主任，教育工委副书记。当时的天津市教育工委书记是陈超英 (2003年2月 – 2009年5月)。之前天津大学和南开大学合并那场政治斗争的时候，天津市的教育工委书记是邢元敏。于立军和陈超英是一个派系的，邢元敏是不是就是另外一个派系的，我还没有研究。但是，时间线是刚好错开的。也就是说提拔于立军的陈超英和合并风波对应的是两个人，逻辑没有矛盾啊。
也就是说，从时间线上来说，一个是打压他的，一个是提拔他的。形式上，逻辑是正确的，事实是不是这样，由于中共的黑箱，还要深入研究。
陈超英后来2009年从天津去辽宁担任副省长，当时的辽宁省委书记是张文岳（2007年10月－2009年11月）和王珉（2009年11月－2015年5月）。辽宁省长是陈政高（2007年12月－2014年4月），这些人应该都是李克强那边的人，李克强曾经担任辽宁省委书记。辽宁就是李克强的据点， 包括李希，张国清，郝鹏，都在辽宁干过。不是说辽宁的官员都是李克强的人，但是要注意李克强这个因素
很有可能是李克强的人，当然还要加上其他的判断，综合来看，这是2009年，现在肯定辽宁有不少是习近平的人。2012年12月，54岁的陈超英任中共辽宁省委常委、秘书长、办公厅主任。当时的辽宁省委书记是王珉（2009年11月－2015年5月）。陈超英担任王珉的大秘。大秘这个问题比较复杂。首先省委秘书长是省委常委，副部级，省委书记没有权力提拔，需要政治局常委会讨论通过。当然可能会尽量尊重省委书记意见。
所以省委秘书长不是100%是省委书记的亲信，大概是80%，比如李强和习近平就不是一个派系的，孙志刚和俞正声也不是一个派系的。再比如，现在甘肃省委书记胡昌升，他现在的大秘张伟，和他是同时上任的。所以，就猜测张伟是不是前任甘肃省委书记尹弘提拔的。
但是，由于共产党的黑箱政治，什么都不公开。大秘虽然不是100%准确，但是还是一个很好的，我们来了解共匪内幕的一个工具。毕竟这是一个相对容易取得的信息。
王珉为什么选择陈超英担任自己的大秘啊。可能是惺惺相惜。王珉是脱产读的南京航空学院的博士，他可能看不上习近平这样的小学博士。陈超英是哈尔滨工业大学毕业的，比利时布鲁塞尔自由大学读的硕士，算水硕吗？在1980年代，算是很高的学历了。
2019年10月，52岁的于立军担任天津市委常委并回到教育工委担任书记。自2018年4月时任天津市教育工委书记程丽华调任财政部副部长后长达一年零两个月的空缺终于得到填补。这一步背后应该是有不少政治斗争的，还有待深入挖掘。所以于立军不可能是习近平的人，骂习近平的王珉的大秘陈超英提拔的。能是习近平的人吗？
广西副书记王维平是李克强在广西当人大代表安排去的
广西副书记王维平，这个只能是猜啊，现在还有确切的证据。首先，2017年07月25日之前某一天，王维平任中央组织部干部监督局局长。这个和赵乐际时间线比较符合，也就是说，赵乐际担任中纪委书记，从中组部长历任之前，匆匆提拔了王维平， 因为干部监督局和中纪委有点关系。说明19大之前，2017年7月份的时候，赵乐际可能已经知道自己将要担任中纪委书记。
其次呢，2021年08月，56岁的王维平任广西壮族自治区党委常委、组织部部长。两个月之后，2021年10月，刘宁接替鹿心社担任广西党委书记，所以王维平担任广西组织部长，是某个总书记或总理替刘宁布局，就是习近平或者是李克强替刘宁布局。和鹿心社毛关系没有，而鹿心社是习近平派系的。刘宁很可能是非习近平派系的人，刘宁堵住了周波的辽宁省长之路，周波是习近平马仔韩正爱将。韩正如果不是习近平铁杆亲信，能舍不得韩正退休，还要担任中国的国家副主席吗？
据“广西新闻频道”微信公众号消息，广西自治区2018年1月31日上午选举产生89名第十三届全国人大代表，中央提名的代表候选人李克强全票当选。李克强在广西当的人大代表。据新华社报道，中共广西壮族自治区代表会议2022年4月21日至22日在南宁召开，在广西参选的党中央提名的代表候选人习近平以“全票当选”二十大代表。
一开始李克强在广西当人大代表，后来是习近平在广西当党代表。习近平就是跟李克强对着干。但是这些人事布局呢，刘宁啊王维平啊，这些人事布局都是发生在2021年，李克强活着的时候，李克强在广西当人大代表的时候。现在，习近平亲自出马，亲自指挥，亲自部署。习近平亲自跑到广西去当党代表。
这都拦不住李克强的人王维平上位当广西副书记，这不就是打习近平的脸吗？习近平这都拦不住有赵乐际背景的，有李克强背景的王维平上位。就是说习近平现在特别被动。
广西副主席胡帆在文资办是邓小平派系刘云山的下属
广西副主席胡帆，刘云山的人都能上来。因为我说简化模型，就是总书记或者总理，最多加上人大委员长。其他常委不用考虑。刘云山的简历一看就是丁关根提拔的，丁关根是邓小平的打桥牌的牌友。不是江派。什么江派。总书记或这总理之外的人少，但是也不是没有啊。都进常委了，肯定认识总书记或者总理。
胡帆原来是中国财政部的，怎么和刘云山扯上关系的呢？2010年7月，中央文化体制改革领导小组批准成立中央文化企业国有资产监督管理领导小组，并明确在财政部设立具体执行机构，简称文资办。胡帆就是文资办副主任。中央文化体制改革领导小组的小组长就是刘云山。
2021年11月，50岁的胡帆任广西财政厅党组副书记、厅长。当时的广西书记是刘宁（2021年10月 – ），广西主席是蓝天立（2020年10月 – ）。猜是书记和主席打了一架。这就是李克强把胡帆硬塞到广西。因为习近平拼命的打压李克强，李克强没有地方提拔自己人。广西主席蓝天立，没有深入研究，我猜是习近平的人。他应该是认识宋健，通过宋健认识的彭丽媛。宋健是当年的中国政协副主席。
因为财政厅按说应该是主席，政府这边管理的范围。但是中共独裁一切都听党的。大家看这个细节，2021年11月，50岁的胡帆任广西财政厅党组副书记、厅长。2022年12月，51岁的胡帆任广西财政厅党组书记、厅长。应该就是蓝天立和刘宁打了一架，扛了一年，胡帆才当上广西财政厅的党组书记的。所以说，李克强和习近平不仅仅是在中央进行政治斗争，在地方上，都有代理人，都要打一架。
所以没有上海帮，中国任何一个省，不可能只有一个派系。如果一个地级市被某个派系垄断了，还有可能。一个省，一个正部级单位，很难完全被一个派系垄断。也许某个时段可以，但是不可能垄断二三十年。
海南副省长尹丽波是李克强合肥八中中学同学苗圩提拔的
海南副省长尹丽波是工信部部长苗圩提拔的，苗圩是李克强中学同学。苗圩和李克强在安徽省合肥市第八中学的时间线是完全重合的，据说苗圩和李克强是同班同学。大家会不会有李克强死的真冤的感觉啊，李克强死了之后，李克强的人一个一个上来了。奇迹啊，我也不知道发生了什么。
英文翻译
Yu Lijun, a close confidant of Wang Min who criticized Xi Jinping for having a primary school education, was appointed as the deputy secretary of Sichuan Province. Xi Jinping’s personal expedition could not stop Li Keqiang’s close confidant Wang Weiping from being promoted to the deputy secretary of Guangxi.
Yu Lijun, the deputy secretary of Sichuan Province, was promoted by Chen Chaoying, the chief secretary of Wang Min who criticized Xi Jinping for having a primary school education.
In order to go against Li Keqiang, Xi Jinping went to Guangxi to be a representative of the National People’s Congress when Li Keqiang went to Guangxi, and Xi Jinping went to Guangxi to be a representative of the Party.
As a result, this did not stop Li Keqiang’s close confidant Wang Weiping from being promoted to the deputy secretary of Guangxi.
This does not prove that Xi Jinping is completely doomed, and his personal expedition did not work.
Yu Lijun was appointed as the deputy secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee, and Wang Weiping was appointed as the deputy secretary of the Guangxi Party Committee.
The deputy secretary level has begun to be moved. Before, they were almost all members of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, but now they are moving to the deputy secretary, who is at the ministerial level. Hu Fan is the vice chairman of Guangxi, and Yin Libo is the vice governor of Hainan. Who is the most interesting among these four people? It is Yu Lijun, the deputy secretary of Sichuan, who has Wang Min’s background. Wang Min was arrested for scolding Xi Jinping for having an elementary school education. Under normal circumstances, Xi Jinping would never let Wang Min’s cronies get promoted.
Anyone who scolds Xi Jinping can get promoted. Let’s first look at the most interesting Yu Lijun. In 2003, Yu Lijun, then 36 years old, became the deputy secretary of the Party Committee and vice president of Tianjin University. He joined the school leadership until he left Tianjin University in 2007. Before that, Yu Lijun served as deputy director of the president’s office, secretary of the Tianjin University Youth League Committee, and assistant to the president. The president at the time was Shan Ping (1997-July 2006), and the party secretary at the time was Liu Jianping (2002-September 2016). Shan Ping may be Li Ruihuan’s man, and Liu Jianping is from Xi Zhongxun’s faction. Liu Jianping was originally an official in the Beijing education system. He was promoted by He Luli, who was promoted when Xi Zhongxun was the secretary of the Central Secretariat and in charge of united front work. He Luli is the chairman of the Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang.
Why is Shan Ping Li Ruihuan’s man? Because at the beginning, the Ministry of Education wanted to merge Tianjin University and Nankai University. Shan Ping disagreed, and Li Ruihuan supported Shan Ping’s opinion, so it is speculated that Shan Ping is Li Ruihuan’s man. Because Tianjin’s affairs cannot be avoided without Li Ruihuan. At that time, the Ministry of Education decided to merge Tianjin University and Nankai University and had transferred Liu Shengyu to Tianjin for transition to prepare to take over as the party secretary of the new school after the merger. At that time, the faculty and students of Tianjin University strongly opposed the merger. Although President Shan Ping usually puts peace first in everything, his attitude in this matter is very firm, that is, he firmly opposes the merger. In the end, the matter was brought to the carpenter, who should be referring to Li Ruihuan. The carpenter asked why other municipalities can have two key universities, but Tianjin can only have one? (Here Li Ruihuan seems to support Shan Ping’s point of view) So the then Minister of Rites and Cabinet University Scholar (guess, is it referring to the then Minister of Education Chen Zhili?) changed his mind and maintained the status quo, with half of the construction investment going to each company. Now the leaders of Tianjin (Zhang Lichang (August 1997 – March 2007), the then secretary of the Tianjin Municipal Committee, and Li Shenglin (May 1998 – December 2002), the mayor of Tianjin) have lost face in front of the carpenter (Li Ruihuan)
So, although Tianjin University is a small place, the political struggle is quite fierce. And it can also be seen here that Xi Zhongxun is not a reformist at all. It was only after Xi Jinping became the vice president of China and the successor of China. The story written by the big foreign propaganda and the public opinion created deceived everyone. Li Ruihuan is a reformist. Li Ruihuan is a homosexual and a member of the sexual minority group. Of course, if you say that homosexuals also have little pinks, then there is no way to talk about it. Indeed, there are. They are born to be the targets of the Communist Party’s dictatorship and suppression, and they still support the Communist Party. There is no way to say it.
The previous video said that Bai Enpei was promoted by Xi Zhongxun’s iron henchman Ma Wenrui. Bai Enpei and Hu Yaobang’s confidant Bai Jinian had conflicts. At Tianjin University. There was a conflict between Xi Zhongxun’s confidant Liu Jianping and Li Ruihuan’s confidant Shan Ping. Later, Shan Ping was retaliated and given a punishment.
The time when Yu Lijun left Tianjin University was exactly the same as Shan Ping. Shan Ping stepped down in July 2006, and it is estimated that he was squeezed out by Xi Zhongxun’s confidant Liu Jianping. Yu Lijun also left Tianjin University in 2007, and the timeline is completely consistent.
In 2007, the 40-year-old Yu Lijun left Tianjin University and joined the Tianjin Education Department, and served as the deputy director of the Tianjin Education Commission and the deputy secretary of the Education Working Committee. The secretary of the Tianjin Education Working Committee at that time was Chen Chaoying (February 2003-May 2009). During the political struggle for the merger of Tianjin University and Nankai University, the secretary of the Tianjin Education Working Committee was Xing Yuanmin. Yu Lijun and Chen Chaoying are from the same faction, and I have not studied whether Xing Yuanmin is from another faction. However, the timeline is just staggered. That is to say, Chen Chaoying, who promoted Yu Lijun, and the merger storm correspond to two people, and there is no logical contradiction.
In other words, from the timeline, one suppressed him and the other promoted him. Formally, the logic is correct, but whether it is true or not, due to the black box of the CCP, needs further research.
Later, Chen Chaoying went from Tianjin to Liaoning as vice governor in 2009. At that time, the secretaries of the Liaoning Provincial Party Committee were Zhang Wenyue (October 2007-November 2009) and Wang Min (November 2009-May 2015). The governor of Liaoning was Chen Zhenggao (December 2007-April 2014). These people should all be people from Li Keqiang’s side. Li Keqiang once served as the secretary of the Liaoning Provincial Party Committee. Liaoning is Li Keqiang’s stronghold. Including Li Xi, Zhang Guoqing, and Hao Peng, they have all worked in Liaoning. It is not to say that all officials in Liaoning are Li Keqiang’s people, but we should pay attention to the factor of Li Keqiang.
It is very likely that they are Li Keqiang’s people. Of course, other judgments should be added. Overall, this is 2009, and there are definitely many Xi Jinping’s people in Liaoning now. In December 2012, 54-year-old Chen Chaoying served as member of the Standing Committee, Secretary-General, and Director of the General Office of the Liaoning Provincial Party Committee of the Communist Party of China. The Secretary of the Liaoning Provincial Party Committee at that time was Wang Min (November 2009-May 2015). Chen Chaoying served as Wang Min’s chief secretary. The question of chief secretary is more complicated. First of all, the secretary-general of the provincial party committee is a member of the provincial party committee standing committee and is at the vice-ministerial level. The provincial party secretary has no power to promote him. It needs to be discussed and approved by the Politburo Standing Committee. Of course, the opinions of the provincial party secretary may be respected as much as possible.
Therefore, the secretary-general of the provincial party committee is not 100% the confidant of the provincial party secretary, but about 80%. For example, Li Qiang and Xi Jinping are not from the same faction, and Sun Zhigang and Yu Zhengsheng are not from the same faction. For example, the current Gansu Provincial Party Secretary Hu Changsheng, his current chief secretary Zhang Wei, took office at the same time as him. Therefore, it is speculated whether Zhang Wei was promoted by Yin Hong, the former secretary of the Gansu Provincial Party Committee.
However, due to the black box politics of the Communist Party, nothing is open. Although the chief secretary is not 100% accurate, it is still a good tool for us to understand the inside story of the Communist bandits. After all, this is a relatively easy-to-obtain information.
Why did Wang Min choose Chen Chaoying as his chief secretary? Maybe it was because they admired each other. Wang Min studied for a doctorate at Nanjing University of Aeronautics and Astronautics full-time. He may not look down on elementary school doctors like Xi Jinping. Chen Chaoying graduated from Harbin Institute of Technology and obtained a master’s degree from the Free University of Brussels in Belgium. Is it a water master’s degree? In the 1980s, it was considered a very high degree.
In October 2019, 52-year-old Yu Lijun served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Tianjin Municipal Party Committee and returned to the Education Working Committee as secretary. The vacancy of one year and two months since Cheng Lihua, then secretary of the Tianjin Education Working Committee, was transferred to the position of deputy minister of the Ministry of Finance in April 2018 has finally been filled. There should be a lot of political struggles behind this step, which needs to be further explored. So Yu Lijun cannot be Xi Jinping’s man. He was promoted by Chen Chaoying, the chief secretary of Wang Min, who scolded Xi Jinping. Could he be Xi Jinping’s man?
Guangxi Deputy Secretary Wang Weiping was arranged by Li Keqiang when he was a People’s Congress representative in Guangxi
Guangxi Deputy Secretary Wang Weiping, this can only be guessed, and there is now definite evidence. First, on a certain day before July 25, 2017, Wang Weiping served as the director of the Cadre Supervision Bureau of the Central Organization Department. This is more in line with Zhao Leji’s timeline, that is, Zhao Leji served as the Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, and hastily promoted Wang Weiping from the previous post of Minister of the Central Organization Department, because the Cadre Supervision Bureau has some relationship with the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. This shows that before the 19th National Congress, in July 2017, Zhao Leji may have known that he would serve as the Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection.
Secondly, in August 2021, 56-year-old Wang Weiping served as the Standing Committee Member of the Party Committee of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region and Minister of the Organization Department. Two months later, in October 2021, Liu Ning replaced Lu Xinshe as the Party Secretary of Guangxi, so Wang Weiping served as the Organization Minister of Guangxi. It was a general secretary or prime minister who laid out for Liu Ning, that is, Xi Jinping or Li Keqiang laid out for Liu Ning. He has nothing to do with Lu Xinshe, and Lu Xinshe is from Xi Jinping’s faction. Liu Ning is likely to be a non-Xi Jinping faction. Liu Ning blocked Zhou Bo’s path to the governor of Liaoning Province. Zhou Bo is Xi Jinping’s henchman Han Zheng’s favorite. If Han Zheng is not Xi Jinping’s iron confidant, can he be reluctant to let Han Zheng retire and still serve as China’s vice president?
According to the WeChat public account of “Guangxi News Channel”, the Guangxi Autonomous Region elected 89 deputies to the 13th National People’s Congress on the morning of January 31, 2018, and Li Keqiang, the candidate nominated by the Central Committee, was elected unanimously. Li Keqiang is a NPC representative in Guangxi. According to Xinhua News Agency, the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region Representative Conference of the Communist Party of China was held in Nanning from April 21 to 22, 2022. Xi Jinping, the candidate nominated by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China who participated in the election in Guangxi, was “unanimously elected” as a representative of the 20th National Congress.
At first, Li Keqiang was a NPC representative in Guangxi, and later, Xi Jinping was a party representative in Guangxi. Xi Jinping was against Li Keqiang. But these personnel arrangements, Liu Ning and Wang Weiping, all took place in 2021, when Li Keqiang was alive and Li Keqiang was a NPC representative in Guangxi. Now, Xi Jinping personally came out, personally directed, and personally deployed. Xi Jinping personally went to Guangxi to be a party representative.
This couldn’t stop Li Keqiang’s man Wang Weiping from becoming the deputy secretary of Guangxi. Isn’t this a slap in Xi Jinping’s face? Xi Jinping couldn’t stop Wang Weiping, who has Zhao Leji’s background and Li Keqiang’s background, from becoming the deputy secretary. That is to say, Xi Jinping is now particularly passive.
Guangxi Vice Chairman Hu Fan is a subordinate of Deng Xiaoping’s faction Liu Yunshan in the Cultural and Resources Office
Guangxi Vice Chairman Hu Fan and Liu Yunshan’s people can come up. Because I said the simplified model is the general secretary or the prime minister, and at most the chairman of the National People’s Congress. Other standing committee members don’t need to be considered. Liu Yunshan’s resume shows that he was promoted by Ding Guangen, who was a bridge-playing partner of Deng Xiaoping. He is not from the Jiang faction. What Jiang faction? There are few people other than the general secretary or the prime minister, but there are some. He has entered the Standing Committee, so he must know the general secretary or the prime minister.
Hu Fan was originally from the Ministry of Finance of China. How did he get involved with Liu Yunshan? In July 2010, the Central Leading Group for Cultural System Reform approved the establishment of the Central Leading Group for Supervision and Management of State-owned Assets of Cultural Enterprises, and clearly established a specific executive agency in the Ministry of Finance, referred to as the Cultural Assets Office. Hu Fan is the deputy director of the Cultural Assets Office. The leader of the Central Leading Group for Cultural System Reform is Liu Yunshan.
In November 2021, 50-year-old Hu Fan was appointed as the deputy secretary and director of the Party Leadership Group of the Guangxi Finance Department. At that time, the Secretary of Guangxi was Liu Ning (October 2021 -), and the Chairman of Guangxi was Lan Tianli (October 2020 -). I guess the Secretary and the Chairman had a fight. This is why Li Keqiang forced Hu Fan to Guangxi. Because Xi Jinping tried his best to suppress Li Keqiang, Li Keqiang had no place to promote his own people. I have not studied Guangxi Chairman Lan Tianli in depth, but I guess he is Xi Jinping’s man. He should know Song Jian, and he met Peng Liyuan through Song Jian. Song Jian was the vice chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference at that time.
Because the Finance Department should be the scope of management of the chairman, and the government. But the CCP dictatorship listens to the party in everything. Look at this detail. In November 2021, 50-year-old Hu Fan was appointed as the deputy secretary and director of the Party Group of the Guangxi Finance Department. In December 2022, 51-year-old Hu Fan was appointed as the secretary and director of the Party Group of the Guangxi Finance Department. It should be that Lan Tianli and Liu Ning had a fight, and Hu Fan became the party secretary of the Guangxi Finance Department after a year. So, Li Keqiang and Xi Jinping are not only engaged in political struggles at the central level, but also have agents at the local level, and they all have to fight.
So without the Shanghai Gang, it is impossible for any province in China to have only one faction. If a prefecture-level city is monopolized by a faction, it is still possible. It is difficult for a province or a ministerial-level unit to be completely monopolized by one faction. Maybe it can be done for a certain period of time, but it is impossible to monopolize for 20 to 30 years.
Hainan Vice Governor Yin Libo was promoted by Miao Wei, Li Keqiang’s middle school classmate at Hefei No. 8 Middle School
Hainan Vice Governor Yin Libo was promoted by Miao Wei, Minister of Industry and Information Technology, who was Li Keqiang’s middle school classmate. Miao Wei and Li Keqiang’s timeline at the No. 8 Middle School in Hefei, Anhui Province completely overlapped. It is said that Miao Wei and Li Keqiang were classmates. Do you feel that Li Keqiang’s death was really unjust? After Li Keqiang died, Li Keqiang’s people came up one by one. It’s a miracle. I don’t know what happened.