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习近平给干儿子薄瓜瓜随了多少份子钱？习近平和薄瓜瓜情同父子，习近平与薄熙来是亲兄弟
大家好，讲一下江泽民和提拔江泽民的余秋里与薄熙来的爸爸薄一波的政治斗争。薄一波马仔替习仲勋马仔掩盖克拉玛依大火。薄一波马仔提拔习仲勋秘书。整个看下来，说是习近平和薄瓜瓜情同父子毫不为过，薄瓜瓜是习近平干儿子也不过如此了。
台湾媒体《联合报》报道，中共红二代重庆前市委书记薄熙来的儿子薄瓜瓜星期三(2024年11月13日)已经低调抵达台湾，即将迎娶宜兰博爱医院创办人、也是地方望族大老许文政的孙女。这意味着这位中共“红三代”将成为台湾女婿。我不喜欢用红二代，红三代这个词，这是完全的误导，红一代斗得死去活来的，三反五反大跃进文化大革命。怎么到红二代，难道就能放下屠刀，立地成佛了吗？红一代是三个派系，红二代还是三个派系。红二代这次就是在误导，让大家误认为红二代是一个派系。
没有太子党红二代这个派系，太子党红二代分别属于不同的派系。红二代如果是一个派系，那么红二代的首领是谁？是薄熙来吗？薄熙来在秦城里面领导红二代吗？俞正声、刘源、张海阳这些红二代属于邓小平派系。叶剑英的孩子，曾庆红他们属于石油帮。薄熙来，刘亚洲，朱和平，习近平他们属于陈云派系。如果把红二代简单看成一个派系，只会得出，相互矛盾，没有逻辑，错漏百出的结论。
包括《石油帮》这个词都是误导。齐鲁石化的杨传堂是赵紫阳亲自抓的，从日本进口的设备，这个就是邓小平胡锦涛派系的。华国锋和曾庆红主管石油工作的时候，他们带出手下就是江泽民派系的。陈云习近平这个派系，陈云的秘书周太和是南京化学工业公司，提拔了盛华仁。克拉玛依油田的王宜林也是习近平派系的，王宜林是习仲勋的马仔阿不来提，阿不都热西提提拔的。同样是化工部，贺国强就是胡锦涛的人，顾秀莲是习近平派系的，顾秀莲的秘书李炳军是朱镕基的秘书。不但时空要在同一个时空，不能关公战秦琼。即便在同一个时空，还要看历史脉络。
台湾主管两岸关系事务的陆委会星期五(2024年11月15日)通过书面表示，本案为中国大陆人士依台湾相关规定申请来台团聚，因“申请人身分特殊，政府对全盘状况均有所掌握”。陆委会强调，对于中国大陆人士合法申请来台相关细节，基于尊重当事人隐私，台湾主管机关不便对外说明，也“呼吁各界尊重当事人与家属希望低调的意愿”。
该回应等于间接证实了薄瓜瓜将结亲台湾地方望族第三代的消息。台湾海基会秘书长罗文嘉星期五被媒体询问时也意有所指地表示，台湾是自由开放的法治社会，政府不会介入任何情感选择。罗文嘉表示，如果薄瓜瓜要成为一名“大陆配偶”，还须经过海基会文书验证等程序，但目前还没有收到相关的申请；若有收到会按照法律规定的程序进行，没有特别的待遇。
率先披露该消息的《联合报》报道，薄瓜瓜已于星期三自加拿大飞抵台湾，将赴宜兰迎亲；他星期五前往宜兰会见未婚妻的家长，在罗东博爱医院做健康检查，短暂停留数小时后离开。
毛泽东利用余秋里向周恩来陈云夺权
首先是毛泽东用秘书陈伯达向计划委员会夺权效果不佳。1964年8月，毛泽东问李富春：三线建设为什么这么慢？李富春说：攀枝花地区地理条件复杂，勘探需要时间。我们缺乏资金，筹措三线建设的投资计划需要开会研究。毛泽东当即说：没有钱用我的工资。在此期间，毛泽东把曾经担任自己政治秘书的陈伯达安排到国家计划委员会当了副主任。李富春就是周恩来的马仔。毛泽东觉得李富春不听话，才把陈伯达派到国家计划委员会。
整个行动，整个计划，就是毛泽东发动文革的前奏。毛泽东七千人大会被刘少奇赶下台，退居二线。毛泽东夺权，夺回权力，就要把国家计划委员会管起来。就是证明毛泽东自己或者他的马仔也会管经济。这样才能夺权，才能发动文化大革命。不然毛泽东一夺权，就把中国人都饿死了，那还怎么夺权呢。陈伯达是一个笔杆子，他也不会管经济。毛泽东看到效果不好，于是又看上了余秋里。
1964年12月，在一次中央工作会议上，毛泽东正式提议调余秋里到国家计委工作。在征求意见时，有位老同志说：余秋里是一员猛将、闯将。毛泽东对这一说法不以为然。他说：“余秋里做计委副主任不行吗？他只是一员猛将、闯将吗？石油部也有计划工作嘛！是要他带个新作风去。”周恩来接着说：“去冲破一潭死水。”调余秋里到国家计委工作后，毛泽东决定由余秋里负责组成一个“计划参谋部”，又称“小计委”，负责抓大的战略问题。明确“大计委”主要负责处理计委的日常事务。
在隶属关系上，毛泽东特别交代，“小计委”由周恩来直接领导，国务院各副总理不要干预他们的工作。为什么江泽民这个派系叫做石油帮呢，就是因为余秋里原来是石油部长。我刚刚分析了，把所有和石油工业有关系的人，都看成江泽民派系的，也是不准确的。但是石油帮的渊源就是这么来的。
就是三大派系，毛泽东的温和派余秋里，余秋里提拔的江泽民，余秋里的秘书是曾庆红。江泽民这个派系，最开始就是毛泽东的打手，为了向周恩来夺权的。毛泽东已经特别交代，就是点名交代，不准副总理管小计委，副总理陈毅，陈云都是周恩来的人。习仲勋是周恩来大秘。还周恩来直接领导呢，周恩来领导得了余秋里吗？余秋里肯定听毛泽东的呀。毛泽东就喜欢玩这种杀人诛心的游戏。毛泽东就喜欢把周恩来干服，还要周恩来主动说，我服了。心理变态啊。
就是说余秋里一开始就是毛泽东为了打压周恩来陈云，薄一波，习仲勋的。第三个派系是邓小平赵紫阳胡锦涛，他们是一个派系的。一切逻辑的前提就是江泽民胡锦涛习近平分别属于三个不同的派系。他们是怎么演变来的。江泽民和习近平属于一个派系，这个观点我觉得完全不成立，不值得反驳。江泽民和习近平属于一个派系，这个观点逻辑根本就无法自洽。习近平一上台就把江泽民的人都抓了，大清洗。根本解释不通的，说是胡锦涛抓的江泽民的人根本就是扯淡，王岐山是习近平的铁杆马仔。根本不听胡锦涛的，胡锦涛怎么抓？王岐山抓的最大的官员就是孙政才，孙政才就是曾庆红的亲戚。抓了孙政才，胡春华也无法接班，怎么可能是胡锦涛抓的？大外宣就是拿习近平的钱洗地。
这个谜题，我在浙江省委书记王浩那个分析里面，给大家揭晓了答案。王岐山为什么不敢退休，当了中国国家副主席，又当红十字会的名誉会长。现在跑到清华大学去接唱红打黑总后台朱镕基的班。答案就是王岐山把曾庆红的亲戚孙政才给抓了。浙江省委书记王浩是改革急先锋陈光的秘书，陈光号称陈卖光，卖光国企。陈光是魏坚毅的秘书。魏坚毅是昌维地委书记，昌维地区后来改名叫做潍坊市，最早叫做潍坊特别市，潍坊特别市的第一任市委书记就是曾庆红的爸爸曾山。
江泽民和薄一波薄熙来父子的四次政治斗争
我给大家总结一下，江泽民和薄一波薄熙来父子的四次政治斗争。从这四次政治斗争可以看出来，江泽民和薄熙来不是一个派系的，薄熙来和习近平是一个派系的。江泽民不可能提拔习近平。江泽民和薄一波薄熙来父子的恩怨，不是个人恩怨。而是两大政治集团的斗争。每个政治集团都有一百个两百个正部级官员。是整个政治集团决定了他们的行为方式，而不是个人恩怨。
余秋里和康世恩都曾经是石油工业部的部长。康世恩因对“渤海二号事件”负有领导责任，曾经受到“记大过处分”；成为国务院副总理中，受“记大过处分”的第一人。我不知道还有没有别的中国的副总理被处分过的，可能是唯一一个。
1988年8月的一个晚上，康世恩恰好到同住在一个大院的余秋里(曾担任中央政治局委员、国务院副总理)家，儿子康卫平在家看电视。在专题节目《历史上的今天》里，播音员再次播发了当时对“渤海二号”事故的处理决定，还点了康世恩的名。康卫平急忙拨通了余秋里的电话，余秋里当即打电话找时任广电部部长的艾知生。次日，时任中共中央政治局常委的胡启立，打电话给广电部过问此事，艾知生立即给康世恩打电话、写信表示道歉，对此，康世恩表示谅解。
1980年5月，当时的国家领导人薄一波在与全国总工会和《工人日报》领导的一次谈话中说：我经常看《工人日报》，但你们总是跟着国家经委(今天国家发改委的前身)跑，很少看到你们反映工人权利、反映工人意见的报道……薄一波还表示，“渤海二号”沉没，死了72个工人，报纸应该登，按宪法办事。没人出来讲公道话，官官相护不好，长期这样，正气就没有了。
1979年11月25日，渤海二号沉船。薄一波站出来对康世恩发难。就是针对余秋里。这是江泽民和薄熙来的第一次交锋。实际是薄熙来他爸薄一波和提拔江泽民的余秋里的政治斗争。第二次就是江泽民提拔的辽宁省长闻世震，闻世震出了名和薄熙来是政敌。闻世震出身于大连油泵油嘴厂，这是第一机械工业部的下属企业。闻世震是江泽民的人。
第一机械工业部的部长李水清，据说当年特别喜欢江泽民。李水清文革之后回到了军队，因为文革的时候军管，李水清从军队去第一机械工业部执行军管。李水清提拔的徒子徒孙中，有徐才厚和范长龙。所以，江泽民提拔徐才厚和范长龙当军委副主席。当然了，也不是所有的第一机械工业部的人都是江泽民派系的。贾庆林就不是。就是第一机械工业部默认是江泽民派系的。但是如果加上其他条件，确认不是江泽民派系的。那么就不是江泽民派系的。
贾庆林是谷牧提拔的。深圳市委书记李灏就是谷牧的秘书，谷牧提拔的贾庆林，贾庆林提拔的习近平。所以为什么习远平做生意的大本营是深圳，而不是上海或者北京呢？深圳很早就有习近平派系的官员在，所以习远平才在深圳做生意。谷牧的儿子刘念远和耿飙次子耿志远一起在缅甸搞电诈，习近平是耿飙的秘书。耿飙曾经是中国驻缅甸大使。所有的证据都指向，谷牧习仲勋贾庆林是一家人。
谷牧这个名字就代表共产党的邪恶。谷牧的儿子为什么叫做刘念远呢，因为谷牧本来姓刘。名字就是纪念山谷中的牧童。共产党喜欢打游击战争，把人民当作肉盾，和恐怖分子是一个套路。生当作人杰，死亦为鬼雄。至今思项羽，不肯过江东。项羽都没有脸回到江东去打游击。美国南北战争的罗伯特李将军，也不会卑鄙到拿人民当肉盾，在美国南方打游击。只有共产党，只有恐怖分子，才会拿人民当肉盾，打游击。
江泽民和薄熙来的第三次政治斗争是江泽民派系的吴仪和薄熙来一直不对付。江泽民为什么和薄熙来不对付呢，因为江泽民是从邓小平和陈云手里接班的，邓小平是一把手，陈云是二把手，薄一波是陈云的马仔。江泽民想要掌权的话，自然要从邓小平手里夺权，从陈云手里夺权。薄一波是陈云的马仔自然是江泽民夺权的对象。所以江泽民要对付薄熙来。
江泽民没有提拔薄一波铁杆朋友习仲勋的秘书曹志斌
江泽民和薄熙来的第四次政治斗争是江泽民没有提拔薄一波的好朋友习仲勋的秘书曹志斌。1995年4月，湖南省委书记王茂林提拔习仲勋秘书曹志斌任湖南省委副秘书长。薄熙来的老爸薄一波1991年左右出了一本书，《七十年的回顾与思考》，王茂林给了30万，山西省给了30万。王茂林本来就是山西官员，山西是薄一波的大本营。
当年是胡温抓了习近平派系的薄熙来，习近平抓了胡锦涛的大秘令计划报复，就是互抓。如果令计划背叛了胡锦涛，胡锦涛为什么提拔令计划的大秘姚植传担任中央社会主义学院党组副书记（副部长级）、副院长。薄熙来被抓的时候，薄瓜瓜人在中国。薄瓜瓜可以自由的出入中国，真正反共人士都不可能有这样的待遇。只有薄瓜瓜和大外宣才可以自由的出入中国。
我不知道薄瓜瓜现在拿中国护照还是加拿大护照，但是陆委会介入，说明很可能他还是中国人。
1995年，习仲勋的秘书曹志斌就调到了黑龙江省，担任省委副秘书长。因为曹志斌的级别比较高，是副局级。所以曹志斌还有秘书。不一定是曹志斌的专职秘书。就是省委办公厅，下面的工作人员。这个人叫做赵竹帛。我们就听听赵竹帛是怎么说，听听当事人的说法，比较靠谱。赵竹帛说，当时省委广有曹志斌即将担任省委常委、政法委书记的传言。
习仲勋的秘书1995年，应该是年底调到了黑龙江省，本来打算升任省委常委，政法委书记。那么谁不让曹志斌提拔呢？当时的总书记是江泽民，总理是李鹏。谁不让提拔习仲勋的秘书曹志斌呢，就是江泽民。李鹏和习近平是一家人。习仲勋是周恩来的大秘，李鹏是周恩来儿子。习近平是李鹏的干儿子。曹志斌要提拔省委常委就是总书记或者总理决定，就是江泽民和李鹏决定。李鹏和习近平是一家人，那肯定支持啊。江泽民都不让习仲勋的秘书曹志斌当省委常委，为什么会积极支持习仲勋的儿子习近平当总书记？
因此，江泽民和习近平和薄熙来这个派系素有恩怨。江泽民不可能支持薄熙来。薄熙来唱红打黑就是在朱镕基的支持下，向王鸿举夺权，导致王鸿举下台。薄熙来还想进一步向胡锦涛夺权，向李克强夺权。有人说朱镕基是改革派，那么请问朱镕基到底改什么了？朱镕基是支持县级民主选举还是支持省级民主选举了？都是朱镕基和习近平花钱买的大外宣在洗地。
江泽民提出社会主义市场经济体制，邓小平、陈云背书
1992年6月9日，江泽民在党校讲话提出社会主义市场经济体制，会后拜访了邓小平、陈云。绝对不是邓小平一人说了算那么简单。也就是说，江泽民九二讲话之后，市场经济写入中共的党内文件。1992年之前还有市场经济和计划经济的路线之争，所谓改革派和保守派之争。但是1992年江泽民党校讲话提出社会主义市场经济体制之后。党内的一把手邓小平二把手陈云批准。从此之后，市场经济已经不是中共的路线之争，反对中国特色市场经济就等于反党。
虽然中共党内的极左势力在默许反对市场经济。但是1992年之后，并没有任何中共的高层公开反对市场经济。中国的市场经济本来就是假的市场经济。1992年中国已经确立市场经济，6年之后，1998年朱镕基才当总理的。朱镕基怎么就成改革派了？市场经济是朱镕基的主子陈云，点头同意。分税制也是陈云决定的。和朱镕基没有任何关系。朱镕基只是分税制的执行者。
当然了中国现在经济问题很大的原因是分税制造成的。一码归一码，分税制是陈云决定的，朱镕基没有这个权力。温家宝4万亿救市，后来两年实际印了25亿人民币的钞票。但是中国现在广义货币量是300亿。温家宝印了25亿到今天一稀释，连300亿的10%都不到。也怪不到温家宝头上。是习近平和刘鹤涨价去库存，导致的今天的局面。
如果说民主改革的，中共是曾经有过范围很小很小的民主的。中共内部的天花板是胡耀邦。当时的陕西省委书记白纪年是由陕西省当时的300个县处级以上官员投票选出来的。虽然这个民主的范围很窄，只有300个人，但是是真的民主的。白纪年是投票选出来的，不是指定的。
包括江泽民派系的万学远。万学远是汪道涵提拔的上海市政府秘书长的。当时的党代表把中共中央指定的浙江省长候选人葛洪升给选下去了。把万学远选成浙江省长。葛洪升可能是陈云习近平派系的。还有两三次类似的情况。就这么几次是真正的选举。因为指定的候选人都被赶下去了。中共党内真正搞过小范围民主选举实践的，就是胡耀邦。温家宝勉强也可以算，温家宝下令搞的局级干部公开选拔。就是既要投票，也不敢大张旗鼓。中间猫腻还很多，弄得一地鸡毛。
有的省长，自己的人没有被选上去。不让有资格投票的官员离开会场，做工作要求重新投票。朱镕基从来没有支持过党内民主选举。朱镕基是唱红打黑的总后台，朱镕基是薄瓜瓜的爸爸薄熙来的老板。朱镕基支持的习近平终身连任。掩盖克拉玛依大火，让领导先走的中央电视台长杨伟光，就是当年广电部长艾知生提拔的。艾知生和薄一波一起攻击康世恩的。习近平和薄熙来情比亲兄弟，说薄瓜瓜是习近平干儿子也不过分。好的，谢谢大家。
英文翻译
How much money did Xi Jinping give to his godson Bo Guagua? Xi Jinping and Bo Guagua are like father and son, and Xi Jinping and Bo Xilai are brothers
Hello everyone, let me tell you about the political struggle between Jiang Zemin and Yu Qiuli, who promoted Jiang Zemin, and Bo Xilai’s father Bo Yibo. Bo Yibo’s henchmen covered up the Karamay fire for Xi Zhongxun’s henchmen. Bo Yibo’s henchmen promoted Xi Zhongxun’s secretary. Looking at the whole thing, it is no exaggeration to say that Xi Jinping and Bo Guagua are like father and son, and Bo Guagua is Xi Jinping’s godson.
Taiwan media United Daily News reported that Bo Guagua, the son of Bo Xilai, the former secretary of the Chongqing Municipal Party Committee of the second generation of the Communist Party of China, had arrived in Taiwan in a low-key manner on Wednesday (November 13, 2024), and is about to marry the granddaughter of Xu Wenzheng, the founder of Yilan Boai Hospital and a local prominent family. This means that this “third generation of the Communist Party of China” will become a Taiwanese son-in-law. I don’t like to use the term “Red Second Generation” or “Red Third Generation”. This is completely misleading. The Red First Generation fought hard, including the Three Antis, Five Antis, Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution. How can the Red Second Generation put down their butcher knives and become Buddhas? The Red First Generation was divided into three factions, and the Red Second Generation is still divided into three factions. The Red Second Generation is misleading this time, making people mistakenly believe that the Red Second Generation is a faction.
There is no faction of the Princeling Red Second Generation. The Princeling Red Second Generation belongs to different factions. If the Red Second Generation is a faction, then who is the leader of the Red Second Generation? Is it Bo Xilai? Is Bo Xilai leading the Red Second Generation in Qincheng? Yu Zhengsheng, Liu Yuan, Zhang Haiyang and other Red Second Generation belong to the Deng Xiaoping faction. Ye Jianying’s children, Zeng Qinghong and others belong to the oil gang. Bo Xilai, Liu Yazhou, Zhu Heping, Xi Jinping and others belong to the Chen Yun faction. If the Red Second Generation is simply regarded as a faction, it will only lead to contradictory, illogical and full of mistakes.
Including the term “Oil Gang” is misleading. Yang Chuantang of Qilu Petrochemical was personally arrested by Zhao Ziyang, and the equipment was imported from Japan. This is from the Deng Xiaoping and Hu Jintao faction. When Hua Guofeng and Zeng Qinghong were in charge of oil work, the people they brought out were from the Jiang Zemin faction. Chen Yun and Xi Jinping’s faction, Chen Yun’s secretary Zhou Taihe was from Nanjing Chemical Industry Company, and promoted Sheng Huaren. Wang Yilin of Karamay Oilfield is also from Xi Jinping’s faction. Wang Yilin was promoted by Abulaiti, a henchman of Xi Zhongxun, and Abdurexit. Also in the Ministry of Chemical Industry, He Guoqiang is Hu Jintao’s man, Gu Xiulian is from Xi Jinping’s faction, and Gu Xiulian’s secretary Li Bingjun is Zhu Rongji’s secretary. Not only must the time and space be in the same time and space, but you can’t compare Guan Gong with Qin Qiong. Even if it is in the same time and space, it depends on the historical context.
Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council, which is in charge of cross-strait relations, said in a written statement on Friday (November 15, 2024) that this case is a mainland Chinese person applying for reunion in Taiwan in accordance with relevant Taiwanese regulations, because “the applicant’s identity is special and the government has a grasp of the overall situation.” The Mainland Affairs Council emphasized that for the details of mainland Chinese people’s legal application to come to Taiwan, out of respect for the privacy of the parties involved, the Taiwan authorities are not convenient to disclose to the public, and also “call on all sectors to respect the parties and their families’ wishes to keep a low profile.”
This response is equivalent to indirectly confirming the news that Bo Guagua will marry the third generation of a local prominent family in Taiwan. When asked by the media on Friday, Luo Wenjia, secretary-general of the Straits Exchange Foundation of Taiwan, also pointedly stated that Taiwan is a free and open society ruled by law, and the government will not intervene in any emotional choices. Luo Wenjia said that if Bo Guagua wants to become a “mainland spouse”, he must also go through procedures such as document verification by the Straits Exchange Foundation, but no relevant application has been received yet; if it is received, it will be carried out in accordance with the procedures prescribed by law, and there will be no special treatment.
The United Daily News, which first disclosed the news, reported that Bo Guagua had flown to Taiwan from Canada on Wednesday and would go to Yilan to pick up his bride. He went to Yilan on Friday to meet his fiancee’s parents, had a health check at Luodong Boai Hospital, and left after a short stay of several hours.
Mao Zedong used Yu Qiuli to seize power from Zhou Enlai and Chen Yun
First, Mao Zedong used his secretary Chen Boda to seize power from the Planning Commission, but the effect was not good. In August 1964, Mao Zedong asked Li Fuchun: Why is the construction of the Third Line so slow? Li Fuchun said: The geographical conditions in Panzhihua are complex, and exploration takes time. We lack funds, and we need to hold a meeting to study the investment plan for the construction of the Third Line. Mao Zedong immediately said: There is no money to use my salary. During this period, Mao Zedong arranged Chen Boda, who had served as his political secretary, to be the deputy director of the State Planning Commission. Li Fuchun was Zhou Enlai’s henchman. Mao Zedong felt that Li Fuchun was disobedient, so he sent Chen Boda to the State Planning Commission.
The whole action, the whole plan, was the prelude to Mao Zedong launching the Cultural Revolution. Mao Zedong was driven out of office by Liu Shaoqi at the 7,000-person meeting and retreated to the second line. Mao Zedong seized power and took back power, so he had to manage the State Planning Commission. It was to prove that Mao Zedong himself or his lackeys could also manage the economy. Only in this way could he seize power and launch the Cultural Revolution. Otherwise, once Mao Zedong seized power, all the Chinese people would starve to death, so how could he seize power? Chen Boda was a penman, and he also couldn’t manage the economy. Mao Zedong saw that the effect was not good, so he took a fancy to Yu Qiuli again.
In December 1964, at a central working meeting, Mao Zedong formally proposed to transfer Yu Qiuli to work in the State Planning Commission. When soliciting opinions, an old comrade said: Yu Qiuli is a fierce general and a pioneer. Mao Zedong disagreed with this statement. He said: “Isn’t it okay for Yu Qiuli to be the deputy director of the State Planning Commission? Is he just a brave general? The Ministry of Petroleum also has planning work! He should bring a new style.” Zhou Enlai then said: “Go and break through the stagnant water.” After transferring Yu Qiuli to work in the State Planning Commission, Mao Zedong decided that Yu Qiuli would be responsible for forming a “Planning Staff”, also known as the “Small Planning Commission”, to handle major strategic issues. It was clear that the “Big Planning Commission” was mainly responsible for handling the daily affairs of the Planning Commission.
In terms of affiliation, Mao Zedong specifically instructed that the “Small Planning Commission” would be directly led by Zhou Enlai, and the vice premiers of the State Council should not interfere in their work. Why is Jiang Zemin’s faction called the Oil Gang? It is because Yu Qiuli was originally the Minister of Petroleum. I just analyzed that it is not accurate to regard all people related to the oil industry as Jiang Zemin’s faction. But this is the origin of the Oil Gang.
There are three major factions, Mao Zedong’s moderate Yu Qiuli, Jiang Zemin promoted by Yu Qiuli, and Yu Qiuli’s secretary Zeng Qinghong. Jiang Zemin’s faction was Mao Zedong’s thugs at the beginning, in order to seize power from Zhou Enlai. Mao Zedong had specifically instructed that the vice premiers were not allowed to manage the Small Planning Commission. Vice Premiers Chen Yi and Chen Yun were all Zhou Enlai’s people. Xi Zhongxun was Zhou Enlai’s chief secretary. Zhou Enlai was directly in charge, but could Zhou Enlai lead Yu Qiuli? Yu Qiuli must have listened to Mao Zedong. Mao Zedong liked to play this kind of killing and heart-breaking game. Mao Zedong liked to make Zhou Enlai submit, and he also wanted Zhou Enlai to say, “I submit.” What a psychopath.
That is to say, Yu Qiuli was Mao Zedong’s thugs at the beginning to suppress Zhou Enlai, Chen Yun, Bo Yibo, and Xi Zhongxun. The third faction is Deng Xiaoping, Zhao Ziyang, and Hu Jintao. They are from the same faction. The premise of all logic is that Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping belong to three different factions. How did they evolve? I think the view that Jiang Zemin and Xi Jinping belong to the same faction is completely untenable and not worth refuting. Jiang Zemin and Xi Jinping belong to the same faction. This view is not logically self-consistent. As soon as Xi Jinping came to power, he arrested all of Jiang Zemin’s people and launched a massive purge. It is completely unreasonable to say that Hu Jintao arrested Jiang Zemin’s people. Wang Qishan is Xi Jinping’s die-hard henchman. How could Hu Jintao arrest people who don’t listen to Hu Jintao at all? The most important official arrested by Wang Qishan is Sun Zhengcai, who is an old relative of Zeng Qinghong. After arresting Sun Zhengcai, Hu Chunhua cannot take over. How could it be that Hu Jintao arrested him? The big foreign propaganda over there is to clean up the mess with Xi Jinping’s money.
I have revealed the answer to this puzzle in the analysis of Wang Hao, Secretary of the Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee. Why did Wang Qishan not dare to retire? He became the Vice President of China and the Honorary President of the Red Cross. Now he has gone to Tsinghua University to take over the class of Zhu Rongji, the main backstage of the “Sing Red and Fight Black” campaign. The answer is that Wang Qishan arrested Sun Zhengcai, a relative of Zeng Qinghong. Zhejiang Provincial Party Secretary Wang Hao was the secretary of Chen Guang, the reform pioneer. Chen Guang was known as Chen Maiguang, who sold all state-owned enterprises. Chen Guang was Wei Jianyi’s secretary. Wei Jianyi was the secretary of Changwei Prefectural Party Committee. Changwei Prefecture was later renamed Weifang City, and was originally called Weifang Special City. The first secretary of Weifang Special City was Zeng Shan, the father of Zeng Qinghong.
Four political struggles between Jiang Zemin and Bo Yibo and Bo Xilai
Let me summarize the four political struggles between Jiang Zemin and Bo Yibo and Bo Xilai. From these four political struggles, we can see that Jiang Zemin and Bo Xilai are not from the same faction, but Bo Xilai and Xi Jinping are from the same faction. Jiang Zemin could not have promoted Xi Jinping. The grievances between Jiang Zemin and Bo Yibo and Bo Xilai are not personal grievances. It is the struggle between two major political groups. Each political group has one hundred or two hundred ministerial-level officials. It is the entire political group that determines their behavior, not personal grievances.
Yu Qiuli and Kang Shien were both ministers of the Ministry of Petroleum Industry. Kang Shien was once punished with a “serious warning” for his leadership responsibility for the “Bohai No. 2 Incident” and became the first vice premier of the State Council to be punished with a “serious warning”. I don’t know if there are other vice premiers in China who have been punished, but he may be the only one.
One night in August 1988, Kang Shien happened to go to the home of Yu Qiuli (who was once a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee and a vice premier of the State Council) who lived in the same compound, while his son Kang Weiping was watching TV at home. In the special program “Today in History”, the announcer once again broadcast the decision on the handling of the “Bohai No. 2” accident at that time, and also mentioned Kang Shien’s name. Kang Weiping hurriedly called Yu Qiuli, who immediately called Ai Zhisheng, then Minister of the Ministry of Radio, Film and Television. The next day, Hu Qili, then member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, called the Ministry of Radio, Film and Television to inquire about the matter. Ai Zhisheng immediately called Kang Shien and wrote a letter to apologize, and Kang Shien expressed his understanding.
In May 1980, the then national leader Bo Yibo said in a conversation with the leaders of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions and the Workers’ Daily: I often read the Workers’ Daily, but you always follow the State Economic Commission (the predecessor of today’s National Development and Reform Commission), and rarely see your reports reflecting workers’ rights and workers’ opinions… Bo Yibo also said that the sinking of the “Bohai No. 2” killed 72 workers, and the newspaper should publish it and act in accordance with the Constitution. No one came out to speak for justice, and it is not good for officials to protect each other. If this continues for a long time, there will be no righteousness.
On November 25, 1979, the Bohai No. 2 sank. Bo Yibo stood up to attack Kang Shien. It was aimed at Yu Qiuli. This was the first confrontation between Jiang Zemin and Bo Xilai. In fact, it was a political struggle between Bo Xilai’s father Bo Yibo and Yu Qiuli who promoted Jiang Zemin. The second time was Wen Shizhen, the governor of Liaoning Province promoted by Jiang Zemin. Wen Shizhen was famous for being a political enemy of Bo Xilai. Wen Shizhen was born in Dalian Oil Pump and Nozzle Factory, which is a subsidiary of the First Machine Industry Ministry. Wen Shizhen is Jiang Zemin’s man.
Li Shuiqing, the Minister of the First Machine Industry Ministry, is said to have liked Jiang Zemin very much. Li Shuiqing returned to the army after the Cultural Revolution, because during the Cultural Revolution, military control was implemented, and Li Shuiqing went from the army to the First Machine Industry Ministry to implement military control. Among Li Shuiqing’s disciples, there are Xu Caihou and Fan Changlong. Therefore, Jiang Zemin promoted Xu Caihou and Fan Changlong to be vice chairmen of the Military Commission. Of course, not all people in the First Machine Industry Ministry are from Jiang Zemin’s faction. Jia Qinglin is not. The First Machine Industry Ministry is assumed to be from Jiang Zemin’s faction. But if other conditions are added, it is confirmed that it is not from Jiang Zemin’s faction. Then it is not from Jiang Zemin’s faction.
Jia Qinglin was promoted by Gu Mu. Li Hao, secretary of the Shenzhen Municipal Party Committee, is Gu Mu’s secretary. Gu Mu promoted Jia Qinglin, and Jia Qinglin promoted Xi Jinping. So why is Shenzhen the base for Xi Yuanping’s business, not Shanghai or Beijing? Shenzhen has had officials from Xi Jinping’s faction for a long time, so Xi Yuanping does business in Shenzhen. Gu Mu’s son Liu Nianyuan and Geng Biao’s second son Geng Zhiyuan were engaged in telecom fraud in Myanmar, and Xi Jinping was Geng Biao’s secretary. Geng Biao was once the Chinese ambassador to Myanmar. All evidence points to the fact that Gu Mu, Xi Zhongxun and Jia Qinglin are from the same family.
The name Gu Mu represents the evil of the Communist Party. Why is Gu Mu’s son called Liu Nianyuan? Because Gu Mu’s original surname was Liu. The name is to commemorate the shepherd boy in the valley. The Communist Party likes to fight guerrilla warfare and use the people as human shields, which is the same routine as terrorists. Live as a hero, die as a ghost hero. I still miss Xiang Yu, who refused to cross the Yangtze River. Xiang Yu didn’t have the face to go back to Jiangdong to fight guerrillas. General Robert Lee of the American Civil War would not be so despicable as to use the people as human shields and fight guerrillas in the southern United States. Only the Communist Party and terrorists would use the people as human shields and fight guerrillas.
The third political struggle between Jiang Zemin and Bo Xilai was that Wu Yi and Bo Xilai of Jiang Zemin’s faction had always been at odds. Why did Jiang Zemin and Bo Xilai not get along? Because Jiang Zemin took over from Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun. Deng Xiaoping was the top leader, Chen Yun was the second in command, and Bo Yibo was Chen Yun’s lackey. If Jiang Zemin wanted to take power, he would naturally have to seize power from Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun. Bo Yibo was Chen Yun’s lackey and was naturally the target of Jiang Zemin’s power grab. So Jiang Zemin had to deal with Bo Xilai.
Jiang Zemin did not promote Cao Zhibin, the secretary of Bo Yibo’s best friend Xi Zhongxun
The fourth political struggle between Jiang Zemin and Bo Xilai was that Jiang Zemin did not promote Cao Zhibin, the secretary of Bo Yibo’s good friend Cao Zhibin. In April 1995, Wang Maolin, secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee, promoted Cao Zhibin, secretary of Xi Zhongxun, to be deputy secretary-general of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee. Bo Xilai’s father, Bo Yibo, published a book in 1991, “Review and Reflection of 70 Years”, to which Wang Maolin gave 300,000 yuan and Shanxi Province gave 300,000 yuan. Wang Maolin was originally an official in Shanxi, and Shanxi was Bo Yibo’s base.
It was Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao who arrested Bo Xilai of Xi Jinping’s faction, and Xi Jinping arrested Hu Jintao’s chief secretary Ling Jihua in retaliation, which was a mutual arrest. If Ling Jihua betrayed Hu Jintao, why did Hu Jintao promote Yao Zhichuan, Ling Jihua’s chief secretary, to be the deputy secretary of the Party Group of the Central Academy of Socialism (at the vice-ministerial level) and the vice president? When Bo Xilai was arrested, Bo Guagua was in China. Bo Guagua can enter and leave China freely, and real anti-communists cannot have such treatment. Only Bo Guagua and the big foreign propaganda can enter and leave China freely.
I don’t know whether Bo Guagua is holding a Chinese passport or a Canadian passport now, but the intervention of the Mainland Affairs Council shows that he is probably still a Chinese.
In 1995, Cao Zhibin, secretary of Xi Zhongxun, was transferred to Heilongjiang Province and served as the deputy secretary-general of the provincial party committee. Because Cao Zhibin’s rank was relatively high, at the deputy bureau level. So Cao Zhibin also had a secretary. It was not necessarily Cao Zhibin’s full-time secretary. It was a staff member of the provincial party committee’s general office. This person was called Zhao Zhubo. Let’s listen to what Zhao Zhubo said, listen to the person involved, it is more reliable. Zhao Zhubo said that at that time, there were rumors in the provincial party committee that Cao Zhibin was about to serve as a member of the provincial party committee standing committee and secretary of the political and legal committee.
Xi Zhongxun’s secretary was transferred to Heilongjiang Province at the end of 1995, and was originally planned to be promoted to a member of the provincial party committee standing committee and secretary of the political and legal committee. So who prevented Cao Zhibin from being promoted? The general secretary at the time was Jiang Zemin, and the prime minister was Li Peng. Who prevented Xi Zhongxun’s secretary Cao Zhibin from being promoted? It was Jiang Zemin. Li Peng and Xi Jinping are a family. Xi Zhongxun was Zhou Enlai’s chief secretary, and Li Peng was Zhou Enlai’s son. Xi Jinping is Li Peng’s godson. Cao Zhibin’s promotion to the provincial party committee standing committee was decided by the general secretary or the prime minister, that is, by Jiang Zemin and Li Peng. Li Peng and Xi Jinping are a family, so they must support him. Jiang Zemin did not allow Xi Zhongxun’s secretary Cao Zhibin to be a member of the provincial party committee, so why would he actively support Xi Zhongxun’s sonXi Jinping as the general secretary?
Therefore, Jiang Zemin, Xi Jinping and Bo Xilai have always had grievances. Jiang Zemin could not support Bo Xilai. Bo Xilai’s “Sing Red and Fight Black” campaign was supported by Zhu Rongji to seize power from Wang Hongju, which led to Wang Hongju’s resignation. Bo Xilai also wanted to further seize power from Hu Jintao and Li Keqiang. Some people say that Zhu Rongji is a reformist, so what did Zhu Rongji change? Did Zhu Rongji support county-level democratic elections or provincial-level democratic elections? It was all the big foreign propaganda bought by Zhu Rongji and Xi Jinping that was whitewashing.
Jiang Zemin proposed the socialist market economic system, and Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun endorsed it.
On June 9, 1992, Jiang Zemin proposed the socialist market economic system in his speech at the Party School. After the meeting, he visited Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun. It was definitely not as simple as Deng Xiaoping’s decision. In other words, after Jiang Zemin’s speech in September 2, the market economy was written into the CCP’s internal documents. After 1992, there was still a dispute over the line of market economy and planned economy, the so-called dispute between reformists and conservatives. But after Jiang Zemin proposed the socialist market economy system in his speech at the Party School in 1992, Deng Xiaoping, the top leader of the party, and Chen Yun, the second in command, approved it. From then on, the market economy was no longer a dispute over the line of the Communist Party of China, and opposing the market economy with Chinese characteristics was equivalent to opposing the party.
Although the extreme left forces within the Communist Party of China tacitly opposed the market economy. But after 1992, no high-level Communist Party official openly opposed the market economy. China’s market economy was originally a fake market economy. China had established a market economy in 1992, and Zhu Rongji became the prime minister six years later in 1998. How did Zhu Rongji become a reformist? The market economy was agreed to by Zhu Rongji’s master Chen Yun. The tax-sharing system was also decided by Chen Yun. It had nothing to do with Zhu Rongji. Zhu Rongji was just the executor of the tax-sharing system.
Of course, the main reason for China’s current economic problems is the tax-sharing system. Let’s put it one way or another. The tax-sharing system was decided by Chen Yun, and Zhu Rongji did not have the power to do so. Wen Jiabao used 4 trillion yuan to rescue the market, and in the following two years, he actually printed 2.5 billion yuan in banknotes. But China’s current broad money supply is 30 billion yuan. Wen Jiabao printed 2.5 billion yuan, and today, after dilution, it is less than 10% of 30 billion yuan. It is not Wen Jiabao’s fault. It was Xi Jinping and Liu He who raised prices to reduce inventory, which led to the current situation.
If we talk about democratic reform, the CCP once had a very small range of democracy. The ceiling within the CCP was Hu Yaobang. Bai Jinian, the then secretary of the Shaanxi Provincial Party Committee, was elected by votes of 300 county-level and above officials in Shaanxi Province at that time. Although the scope of this democracy was very narrow, with only 300 people, it was real democracy. Bai Jinian was elected by vote, not appointed.
Including Wan Xueyuan from Jiang Zemin’s faction. Wan Xueyuan was promoted by Wang Daohan to the Secretary-General of the Shanghai Municipal Government. The party representatives at that time voted out Ge Hongsheng, the candidate for Zhejiang Provincial Governor designated by the CPC Central Committee. Wan Xueyuan was elected as the governor of Zhejiang Province. Ge Hongsheng may be from the Chen Yun and Xi Jinping faction. There were two or three similar situations. Only these few times were real elections. Because the designated candidates were driven away. The only person who really practiced small-scale democratic elections in the Communist Party was Hu Yaobang. Wen Jiabao can barely be counted as Wen Jiabao, who ordered the open selection of bureau-level cadres. That is, voting is required, but no fanfare is dared. There are many tricks in the middle, making a mess.
Some governors did not have their own people elected. Officials who were eligible to vote were not allowed to leave the venue, and work was done to require a re-vote. Zhu Rongji never supported democratic elections within the party. Zhu Rongji was the general backstage of the “Sing Red and Fight Black” campaign, and Zhu Rongji was the boss of Bo Xilai, the father of Bo Guagua. Zhu Rongji supported Xi Jinping’s lifelong re-election. Yang Weiguang, the director of CCTV who covered up the Karamay fire and let the leaders go first, was promoted by Ai Zhisheng, the Minister of Radio, Film and Television at that time. Ai Zhisheng and Bo Yibo attacked Kang Shien together. Xi Jinping and Bo Xilai are as close as brothers, and it is not an exaggeration to say that Bo Guagua is Xi Jinping’s godson. Okay, thank you everyone.