温家宝拿下上海，习近平四中全会下。吴伟接任上海市长？陈吉宁进秦城
大家好，山西省常务副省长吴伟调任上海市委常委。具体怎么安排还不知道，是直接把韩正的马仔华源抓了，接替上海市常务副市长。还是上海市副书记朱忠明调任浙江省长，吴伟接任上海市委副书记，准备接替龚正担任上海市长。由于共匪的黑箱操作，他们具体要怎么安排，我不知道。但是，上海比较重要，我们具体看一下。和吴伟有关系的官员的派系背景。
吴伟到底怎么安排，我们不知道，但是从山西省委常委，调到上海市委常委，不管安排什么职位，都是被提拔了。这是肯定的，我们看这个积分表，这是按照省委书记，进政治局常委得2分，政治局委员得1分，人大副委员长，政协副主席，副总理，最高法院院长等副国级得0.5分。我们看上海才是中国的第一政治高地，并不是所谓的首都北京。这也没得可说的，上海的市委书记出了多少政治局常委，但陈吉宁可能没戏了。
山西就是什么都没出过，21个山西省委书记，没有任何一个当上政治局常委，政治局委员，副总理人大副委员长，政协副主席，最高法院院长，一个都没有。正经的是中国的政治洼地，山西省委书记是仕途的终点站，只能去人大或者政协当一个主任，副主任。这个只是山西省委书记，普通的山西省委可能还有晋升的空间。当然了这只是历史数据，按照中国外交部发言人的说法，历史文件不具有现实意义。
宁夏也是一样的，在石泰峰担任政治局委员之前，也没有副国级。本来是和山西倒数第一，现在山西成了唯一的倒数第一。所以山西省委常委调到上海市委常委担任任何职位，级别是平调，但是含金量都是重用。
这就要提一下时光辉从贵州平调到内蒙古。基本是平调，其实贵州虽然比内蒙古穷，但是政治地位比内蒙古高，毕竟贵州出了胡锦涛，栗战书两个政治局常委，赵克志，陈敏尔两个政治局委员。
时光辉和姚明都是习近平马仔
时光辉的背景，2006年11月，36岁的时光辉担任静安区担任副区长，当时静安区委书记是龚德庆 (2006年4月 – 2011年6月)。龚德庆曾经担任上海久事公司党委书记，董事长，现在是上海市篮球协会第十二届会长。上海久事大鲨鱼俱乐部，是姚明的母队。时光辉和姚明都是习近平马仔，姚明替强奸犯张高丽洗地，施压彭帅。
要说吴伟，就要先说熊继军，吴伟提拔过熊继军。熊继军也是三中全会之后，习近平失去大权后被从山西副省长调到工信部担任副部长。2005年11月 – 2013年6月，34岁的熊继军任中北大学电子科学与技术系主任、电子与计算机科学技术学院院长（期间：2009年3月 – 2010年3月，美国明尼苏达大学访问学者），当时的中北大学党委书记是师谦 (2004年8月 – 2011年12月)，当时的校长是张文栋（2000年10月至2010年1月）。2020年8月 – 2022年7月，49岁的熊继军任中北大学校长，民进山西省委副主委。
2020年8月28日上午，中北大学在图书馆五层学术报告厅召开全校干部大会。山西省副省长、省委教育工作领导小组副组长吴伟出席大会并讲话。省政府副秘书长张文栋，省委组织部部务委员刘鹏，省委教育工委副书记、省教育厅党组成员何林有等出席会议。全体校领导、党委常委、中层干部参加会议。
首先呢，但从中北大学这几个字，熊继军就不可能是习近平派系的。
中北大学，如果不查资料，很多人连中北大学是山西省的都不会知道。
三中全会之后很多莫名字其妙的人当上了副部级，副省长。
想就知道他们不可能是习近平的人。习近平已经当了12年总书记，他为什么要去提拔一个没人知道是哪个省的大学校长当副省长，当工信部的副部长吗？山西虽然是中国政治的第一洼地，如果习近平去山西提拔官员，怎么也提拔的发改委主任，组织部副部长什么的正局级官员，当副部长。中北大学没人知道，不可能是习近平的人。
我们看15年前2005年张文栋担任中北大学校长的时候，熊继军担任了中北大学电子科学与技术系主任。15年后2020年，熊继军担任中北大学校长，还是当时的山西省政府副秘书长张文栋去宣布任命的。也就是说提拔的熊继军的人，15年前和15年后是同一个人。当然张文栋作为山西省政府副秘书长，不够权力去提拔熊继军，但是山西省副省长吴伟有这样的权力。
张文栋担任吴伟大秘之前，担任山西副省长张复明的大秘。2004年6月，41岁的张复明任山西省人民政府经济研究中心副主任。当时的山西省长是张宝顺 （2004年1月－2005年7月）。张宝顺出身自胡锦涛担任第一书记期间的共青团，一般也认为是团派。共青团的并不一定就真的是团派，当过胡锦涛或李克强下属，胡锦涛或李克强提拔的官员才是团派。关键是要看人，看他的上司是谁，不能说共青团就是团派，上海就是上海帮。
2004年12月，34岁的吴伟任交通银行预算财务部副总经理（2006年1月明确为部门正职级）。当时的董事长是蒋超良（2004年1月 – 2008年9月）。蒋超良有王岐山的背景，我不确定蒋超良是不是就是王岐山马仔。如果是的话， 蒋超良就是习近平的人。猛地一看，吴伟好像是蒋超良提拔的。但其实这一步只是平调。其实2002年8月，32岁的吴伟已经担任交通银行财务会计部副总经理。当时李军是交通银行副行长，在仔细看的话，1998年04月，李军担任交通银行总稽核。已经是副行长级别了。当时，吴伟任交通银行财务会计部财务处主管。
就是总的看下来吴伟和李军的时间线更吻合。2007年3月，37岁的吴伟任交通银行预算财务部总经理。当时的董事长是蒋超良（2004年1月 – 2008年9月），行长是李军 （2006年09月 – 2009年12月）。吴伟担任交通银行下属部门副职和正职，李军分别是副行长，行长。李军刚好在可以提拔吴伟的岗位上。等到吴伟提拔交通银行副行长。已经不是交通银行内部的人可以决定的了。就是说，交通银行的董事长或者行长不能决定副行长的人选，需要国资委或者中国国务院来决定。
李军的确和俞正声有直接的交集
李军年代更久远，更不容易确定他的派系背景，但是李军和俞正声，湖北省委书记贾志杰，温家宝三个人都有交集。首先李军原来是交通银行武汉分行的行长。交通银行总行就在上海，也就是李军是武汉到上海。俞正声原来也是湖北省委书记，也是武汉到上海。2009年7月3日下午，上海市人民政府与交通银行股份有限公司全面合作备忘录签字仪式在上海举行。中共中央政治局委员、上海市委书记俞正声，交通银行董事长胡怀邦出席签字仪式并致辞。上海市委副书记、市长韩正与交通银行行长李军签署全面合作备忘录。
也就是说，李军的确和俞正声有直接的交集。但是李军在武汉的时候俞正声还没有去湖北当省委书记呢，时间线对不上，当时的湖北省委书记贾志杰。原来是甘肃的。贾志杰在甘肃是冯纪新提拔的，冯纪新提拔的胡锦涛的正局级和副局级，向邓小平推荐了胡锦涛。贾志杰担任湖北省委书记的时候，和李军在时间线上有交集。所以这帮红二代都是安排好的。虽然他们属于不同的派系，但是套路是一样的。没有贾志杰给俞正声在湖北打前站，俞正声也不会去湖北。
也就是说，吴伟是交通银行行长李军提拔的。李军和提拔胡锦涛的冯纪新提拔的贾志杰有交集，和俞正声有交集。和主管中国金融的副总理温家宝有交集。后来温家宝直接就是总理了。后来李军去了中国银行当监事长，和现在福州市委书记郭宁宁又有交集。郭宁宁到底是不是温家宝让李军提拔的，还有待研究。吴伟在山西当副省长第一个大秘张文栋，原来是山西副省长张复明的大秘，张复明可能是有团派背景的张宝顺提拔的。
吴伟在山西省副省长的第二个大秘向弟海，向弟海下支影片给大家展开讲讲，向弟海当年在财政部参加过温家宝主持的医改。所以我反复强调35岁正部级定律。所有的正部级副部级官员都只是因为总书记或者总理在35岁之前看上的。然后20年后，55岁提拔成正部级。我不知道吴伟去上海担任什么职务。只是一个上海市委常委还是让朱忠明去浙江当省长，吴伟升任上海市委副书记，等着接龚正担任上海市长。
不管怎么说，温家宝直接把习近平干趴下了。陈吉宁只能送秦城了，这是改朝换代。好的，谢谢大家。
英文翻译
Wen Jiabao took over Shanghai, Xi Jinping was dismissed at the Fourth Plenary Session of the Central Committee. Wu Wei took over as mayor of Shanghai? Chen Jining went to Qincheng
Hello everyone, Wu Wei, executive vice governor of Shanxi Province, was transferred to the Standing Committee of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee. The specific arrangement is still unknown. Will Han Zheng’s henchman Hua Yuan be arrested directly to replace the executive vice mayor of Shanghai? Or will Shanghai Deputy Secretary Zhu Zhongming be transferred to Zhejiang Governor, and Wu Wei take over as deputy secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, preparing to replace Gong Zheng as mayor of Shanghai. Due to the black box operation of the Communist bandits, I don’t know how they will arrange it specifically. However, Shanghai is more important, let’s take a closer look. The factional background of officials related to Wu Wei.
We don’t know how Wu Wei will be arranged, but he was transferred from the Standing Committee of the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee to the Standing Committee of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee. No matter what position he is assigned, he has been promoted. This is certain. Let’s look at this score table. This is based on the provincial party secretary. He gets 2 points for becoming a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, 1 point for a member of the Politburo, and 0.5 points for vice-chairmen of the National People’s Congress, vice-chairmen of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, vice premiers, presidents of the Supreme Court, etc., who are at the vice-state level. We see that Shanghai is the first political highland in China, not the so-called capital Beijing. There is nothing to say about this. How many Politburo Standing Committee members have come from the party secretaries of Shanghai, but Chen Jining may not have a chance.
Shanxi has never produced anything. Among the 21 secretaries of the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee, none of them has become a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, a member of the Politburo, a vice premier, a vice chairman of the National People’s Congress, a vice chairman of the CPPCC, or a president of the Supreme Court. Seriously, it is a political lowland in China. The secretary of the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee is the end of the official career. He can only go to the National People’s Congress or the CPPCC to be a director or deputy director. This is just the secretary of the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee. Ordinary Shanxi Provincial Party Committees may still have room for promotion. Of course, this is just historical data. According to the spokesperson of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, historical documents have no practical significance.
The same is true for Ningxia. Before Shi Taifeng became a member of the Politburo, there was no vice-state level. It was originally the last one with Shanxi, but now Shanxi has become the only last one. Therefore, when a member of the Standing Committee of the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee is transferred to the Standing Committee of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee to hold any position, the level is a horizontal transfer, but the gold content is reused.
This requires mentioning that Shi Guanghui was transferred from Guizhou to Inner Mongolia. It is basically a horizontal transfer. In fact, although Guizhou is poorer than Inner Mongolia, its political status is higher than Inner Mongolia. After all, Guizhou has produced two Politburo Standing Committee members, Hu Jintao and Li Zhanshu, and two Politburo members, Zhao Kezhi and Chen Min’er.
Shi Guanghui and Yao Ming are both Xi Jinping’s lackeys
Shi Guanghui’s background. In November 2006, 36-year-old Shi Guanghui served as deputy mayor of Jing’an District. At that time, the secretary of the Jing’an District Committee was Gong Deqing (April 2006-June 2011). Gong Deqing once served as the party secretary and chairman of Shanghai Jiushi Company. He is now the 12th president of the Shanghai Basketball Association. Shanghai Jiushi Sharks Club is Yao Ming’s home team. Shi Guanghui and Yao Ming are both Xi Jinping’s lackeys. Yao Ming cleaned up the rapist Zhang Gaoli and put pressure on Peng Shuai.
To talk about Wu Wei, we must first talk about Xiong Jijun. Wu Wei promoted Xiong Jijun. Xiong Jijun was also transferred from the deputy governor of Shanxi to the deputy minister of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology after Xi Jinping lost power after the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee. From November 2005 to June 2013, 34-year-old Xiong Jijun served as the director of the Department of Electronic Science and Technology and the dean of the School of Electronic and Computer Science and Technology of North China University (during: March 2009-March 2010, he was a visiting scholar at the University of Minnesota, USA). The party secretary of North China University at that time was Shi Qian (August 2004-December 2011), and the president at that time was Zhang Wendong (October 2000 to January 2010). From August 2020 to July 2022, 49-year-old Xiong Jijun served as the president of North China University and the deputy chairman of the Shanxi Provincial Committee of the China Democratic League.
On the morning of August 28, 2020, North China University held a school-wide cadre meeting in the academic lecture hall on the fifth floor of the library. Wu Wei, vice governor of Shanxi Province and deputy leader of the provincial party committee’s education work leading group, attended the meeting and delivered a speech. Zhang Wendong, deputy secretary-general of the provincial government, Liu Peng, member of the provincial party committee’s organization department, He Linyou, deputy secretary of the provincial party committee’s education work committee and member of the provincial education department’s party group, attended the meeting. All school leaders, party committee standing committee members, and middle-level cadres attended the meeting.
First of all, from the words “North China University”, Xiong Jijun could not be from Xi Jinping’s faction.
North China University, if you don’t check the information, many people don’t even know that North China University is in Shanxi Province.
After the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, many inexplicable people became vice-ministerial and vice-governors.
Just think about it and you will know that they cannot be Xi Jinping’s people. Xi Jinping has been the general secretary for 12 years. Why would he promote a university president who no one knows which province he is from to be the vice governor and the vice minister of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology? Although Shanxi is the first low point in Chinese politics, if Xi Jinping went to Shanxi to promote officials, he would have promoted the director of the Development and Reform Commission, the vice minister of the Organization Department, and other bureau-level officials to be vice ministers. No one knows about North China University, so it is impossible for him to be Xi Jinping’s people.
Let’s look at 15 years ago in 2005 when Zhang Wendong was the president of North China University, Xiong Jijun was the director of the Department of Electronic Science and Technology of North China University. 15 years later in 2020, Xiong Jijun became the president of North China University, and it was Zhang Wendong, then the deputy secretary-general of the Shanxi Provincial Government, who announced the appointment. In other words, the person who promoted Xiong Jijun was the same person 15 years ago and 15 years later. Of course, as the deputy secretary-general of the Shanxi Provincial Government, Zhang Wendong did not have enough power to promote Xiong Jijun, but Wu Wei, the vice governor of Shanxi Province, had such power.
Before Zhang Wendong became Wu Wei’s secretary, he served as the chief secretary of Zhang Fuming, the vice governor of Shanxi Province. In June 2004, Zhang Fuming, 41, was appointed as the deputy director of the Economic Research Center of the Shanxi Provincial People’s Government. The governor of Shanxi at that time was Zhang Baoshun (January 2004-July 2005). Zhang Baoshun came from the Communist Youth League during the period when Hu Jintao was the first secretary, and is generally considered to be a member of the Youth League faction. Those who are members of the Communist Youth League are not necessarily members of the League faction. Only those who have served as subordinates of Hu Jintao or Li Keqiang and have been promoted by Hu Jintao or Li Keqiang are members of the League faction. The key is to look at the person and see who his superior is. It cannot be said that the Communist Youth League is the League faction and Shanghai is the Shanghai Gang.
In December 2004, 34-year-old Wu Wei was appointed as the deputy general manager of the Budget and Finance Department of the Bank of Communications (in January 2006, he was clearly promoted to the full-time position of the department). The chairman at that time was Jiang Chaoliang (January 2004-September 2008). Jiang Chaoliang has Wang Qishan’s background. I am not sure whether Jiang Chaoliang is Wang Qishan’s henchman. If so, Jiang Chaoliang is Xi Jinping’s man. At first glance, Wu Wei seems to have been promoted by Jiang Chaoliang. But in fact, this step is just a horizontal transfer. In fact, in August 2002, 32-year-old Wu Wei was already the deputy general manager of the Finance and Accounting Department of the Bank of Communications. At that time, Li Jun was the vice president of the Bank of Communications. If you look closely, in April 1998, Li Jun served as the chief auditor of the Bank of Communications. He was already at the vice president level. At that time, Wu Wei was the head of the Finance Department of the Financial Accounting Department of the Bank of Communications.
In general, the timeline of Wu Wei and Li Jun is more consistent. In March 2007, 37-year-old Wu Wei served as the general manager of the Budget and Finance Department of the Bank of Communications. The chairman at that time was Jiang Chaoliang (January 2004-September 2008), and the president was Li Jun (September 2006-December 2009). Wu Wei served as the deputy and principal positions of the subordinate departments of the Bank of Communications, and Li Jun was the vice president and president respectively. Li Jun happened to be in a position where Wu Wei could be promoted. When Wu Wei was promoted to vice president of the Bank of Communications. It was no longer decided by people inside the Bank of Communications. That is to say, the chairman or president of the Bank of Communications cannot decide the candidate for vice president, and the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission or the State Council of China needs to decide.
Li Jun does have direct connections with Yu Zhengsheng
Li Jun is older, and it is more difficult to determine his factional background, but Li Jun has connections with Yu Zhengsheng, Hubei Provincial Party Secretary Jia Zhijie, and Wen Jiabao. First of all, Li Jun was originally the president of the Wuhan Branch of the Bank of Communications. The head office of the Bank of Communications is in Shanghai, which means that Li Jun went from Wuhan to Shanghai. Yu Zhengsheng was also the Secretary of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee, and also went from Wuhan to Shanghai. On the afternoon of July 3, 2009, the signing ceremony of the Memorandum of Comprehensive Cooperation between the Shanghai Municipal People’s Government and the Bank of Communications Co., Ltd. was held in Shanghai. Yu Zhengsheng, member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, and Hu Huaibang, Chairman of the Bank of Communications, attended the signing ceremony and delivered speeches. Han Zheng, Deputy Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee and Mayor, signed a Memorandum of Comprehensive Cooperation with Li Jun, President of the Bank of Communications.
In other words, Li Jun does have direct connections with Yu Zhengsheng. But when Li Jun was in Wuhan, Yu Zhengsheng had not yet gone to Hubei to serve as the Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee, so the timeline does not match. Jia Zhijie, the Secretary of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee at the time, was originally from Gansu. Jia Zhijie was promoted by Feng Jixin in Gansu. Feng Jixin promoted Hu Jintao to the director and deputy director level and recommended Hu Jintao to Deng Xiaoping. When Jia Zhijie was the secretary of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee, he had an intersection with Li Jun in the timeline. So this group of second-generation reds were arranged. Although they belong to different factions, the routine is the same. Without Jia Zhijie to pave the way for Yu Zhengsheng in Hubei, Yu Zhengsheng would not go to Hubei.
In other words, Wu Wei was promoted by Li Jun, the president of the Bank of Communications. Li Jun has an intersection with Jia Zhijie, who promoted Hu Jintao, and with Yu Zhengsheng. He has an intersection with Wen Jiabao, the vice premier in charge of China’s finance. Later, Wen Jiabao directly became the prime minister. Later, Li Jun went to the Bank of China as the chairman of the supervisory board, and he had an intersection with Guo Ningning, the current secretary of the Fuzhou Municipal Party Committee. Whether Guo Ningning was promoted by Li Jun at the request of Wen Jiabao remains to be studied. When Wu Wei was the vice governor of Shanxi, his first secretary, Zhang Wendong, was originally the secretary of the vice governor of Shanxi, Zhang Fuming. Zhang Fuming might have been promoted by Zhang Baoshun, who had a background in the Youth League.
When Wu Wei was the vice governor of Shanxi, his second secretary was Xiang Dihai. Xiang Dihai will explain in the next video. Xiang Dihai participated in the medical reform hosted by Wen Jiabao in the Ministry of Finance. So I repeatedly emphasize the 35-year-old ministerial level law. All ministerial and deputy ministerial officials are only selected by the general secretary or the prime minister before the age of 35. Then 20 years later, they are promoted to ministerial level at the age of 55. I don’t know what position Wu Wei will take in Shanghai. He is just a member of the Standing Committee of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee. Or let Zhu Zhongming go to Zhejiang to be the governor, and Wu Wei will be promoted to the deputy secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, waiting to take over Gong Zheng as the mayor of Shanghai.
In any case, Wen Jiabao directly defeated Xi Jinping. Chen Jining can only be sent to Qincheng. This is a change of dynasty. OK, thank you everyone.