朱芝松和彭丽媛习近平的关系。应勇什么时候抓？吴伟和温家宝的关系
又是哈尔滨帮，朱芝松和习近平的关系。吴伟和温家宝的关系
大家好，我们关注上海，说一下刚刚被抓的浦东书记朱芝松和刚刚任命的上海副市长吴伟。优先说上海， 说和政治局常委有关的官员。这是省委书记的积分榜，政治局常委的两分，政治局委员得1分，其他人大副委员长，政协副主席，国务院副总理，最高检，最高法得0.5分。山西历史上21个省委书记，没有任何一个人晋升副国级。上海是中国的第一政治高地，我们集中说上海。
回复一下这名网友，上海黄浦区区长，级别太低了，起码要说副部级或者正部级。我们说一下上海市副市长吴伟。吴伟要和熊继军一起说，抓朱芝松，就是要抓应勇的前奏。应勇百分百会抓的，抓了应勇，李强就是总书记。李强要踩着应勇上位，所以应勇跑不了。
要说吴伟，就要先说熊继军，吴伟提拔过熊继军。熊继军也是三中全会之后，习近平失去大权后被从山西副省长调到工信部担任副部长。
2005年11月 – 2013年6月，34岁的熊继军任中北大学电子科学与技术系主任、电子与计算机科学技术学院院长，当时的中北大学党委书记是师谦 (2004年8月 – 2011年12月)，当时的校长是张文栋（2000年10月至2010年1月）
2020年8月 – 2022年7月，49岁的熊继军任中北大学校长，民进山西省委副主委
2020年8月28日上午，中北大学在图书馆五层学术报告厅召开全校干部大会。山西省副省长、省委教育工作领导小组副组长吴伟出席大会并讲话。省政府副秘书长张文栋，省委组织部部务委员刘鹏，省委教育工委副书记、省教育厅党组成员何林有等出席会议。全体校领导、党委常委、中层干部参加会议。
我们看15年前2005年张文栋担任中北大学校长的时候，熊继军担任了中北大学电子科学与技术系主任。15年后2020年，熊继军担任中北大学校长，还是当时的山西省政府副秘书长张文栋去宣布任命的。也就是说提拔的熊继军的人，15年前和15年后是同一个人。当然张文栋作为山西省政府副秘书长，不够权力去提拔熊继军，但是山西省副省长吴伟有这样的权力。
张文栋担任吴伟大秘之前，担任山西副省长张复明的大秘。2004年6月，41岁的张复明任山西省人民政府经济研究中心副主任。当时的山西省长是张宝顺 （2004年1月－2005年7月）。张宝顺出身自胡锦涛担任第一书记期间的共青团，一般也认为是团派。共青团出身的官员，尤其是地方共青团出身的官员，并不一定就真的是团派，当过胡锦涛或李克强下属，胡锦涛或李克强提拔的官员才是团派。关键是要看人，看他的上司是谁，不能说共青团就是团派，上海就是上海帮。
我一开始以为，这就是熊继军的背景，当时的中北大学校长张文栋，提拔的熊继军，后来张文栋是吴伟的大秘，吴伟又提了熊继军。但是其实熊继军的背景远远不止于此。当时中北大学的党委书记师谦认识邓小平打桥牌的牌友，王大明。邓小平天天在家，谁都不认识。邓小平也就是控制军权。地方官员没有几个人是邓小平提拔的。就是邓小平的三个打桥牌牌友，丁关根，王汉斌，王大明，这三个人给邓小平吹耳边风，邓小平才提拔几个地方官员。邓小平如果把提拔地方官员的权力也都全部攥在自己手里，中国就没有改革开放了。说白了，三权分立，权力制约，这不仅仅是美国的制度，而是人类的制度，是人类文明的结晶。邓小平舍不得放弃所有的独裁权力。搞了一个洼地超级低配版，自己手握军权垂帘听政，把提拔地方官员的权力，下放给陈云胡耀邦赵紫阳江泽民。
王大明提拔了强卫，强卫提拔了李耀光和衡晓帆，现在分别是江苏省和天津市的政法委书记。师谦认识王大明，师谦提拔的熊继军现在是工信部的副部长。还有一个河北省副省长金晖，也是王大明提拔的。吴伟提拔过熊继军。
2004年12月，34岁的吴伟任交通银行预算财务部副总经理（2006年1月明确为部门正职级）。当时的董事长是蒋超良（2004年1月 – 2008年9月）。蒋超良有王岐山的背景，我不确定蒋超良是不是就是王岐山马仔。如果是的话， 蒋超良就是习近平的人。猛地一看，吴伟好像是蒋超良提拔的。但其实这一步只是平调。其实2002年8月，32岁的吴伟已经担任交通银行财务会计部副总经理。当时李军是交通银行副行长，在仔细看的话，1998年04月，李军担任交通银行总稽核。已经是副行长级别了。当时，吴伟任交通银行财务会计部财务处主管
就是总的看下来吴伟和李军的时间线更吻合。2007年3月，37岁的吴伟任交通银行预算财务部总经理。当时的董事长是蒋超良（2004年1月 – 2008年9月），行长是李军 （2006年09月 – 2009年12月）。吴伟担任交通银行下属部门副职和正职，李军分别是副行长，行长。李军刚好在可以提拔吴伟的岗位上。等到吴伟提拔交通银行副行长。已经不是交通银行内部的人可以决定的了。就是说，交通银行的董事长或者行长不能决定副行长的人选，需要国资委或者中国国务院来决定。
李军和俞正声，湖北省委书记贾志杰，温家宝三个人都有交集。首先李军原来是交通银行武汉分行的行长。交通银行总行就在上海，也就是李军是武汉到上海。俞正声原来也是湖北省委书记，也是武汉到上海。2009年7月3日下午，上海市人民政府与交通银行股份有限公司全面合作备忘录签字仪式在上海举行。中共中央政治局委员、上海市委书记俞正声，交通银行董事长胡怀邦出席签字仪式并致辞。上海市委副书记、市长韩正与交通银行行长李军签署全面合作备忘录。
李军的确和俞正声有直接的交集。但是李军在武汉的时候俞正声还没有去湖北当省委书记呢，时间线对不上，当时的湖北省委书记贾志杰。原来是甘肃的。贾志杰在甘肃是冯纪新提拔的，冯纪新提拔的胡锦涛的副局级和正局级，向邓小平推荐了胡锦涛。贾志杰担任湖北省委书记的时候，和李军在时间线上有交集。所以这帮红二代都是安排好的。虽然他们属于不同的派系，但是套路是一样的。没有贾志杰给俞正声在湖北打前站，俞正声也不会去湖北。
总结一下就是俞正声为什么去湖北，是因为前面的湖北省委书记贾志杰，有胡锦涛的背景。李克强为什么去河南，是因为前面的河南省委书记马忠臣是赵紫阳和田纪云的人。习近平为什么去福建，因为贾庆林是谷牧提拔的。谷牧在华东局是陈毅的大秘，后来陈毅点名把谷牧调到上海担任宣传部长。宣传部长，笔杆子也算是一种大秘。习仲勋是周恩来的大秘，也要服务于第一副总理陈毅。
没有上海帮，非要说有上海帮，第一代上海帮也是周恩来陈毅这个派系的。习仲勋习近平才是上海帮。江泽民都什么时候的事情了。后来张春桥是上海市委书记。四人帮中除了江青，王洪文，张春桥，姚文元都是上海出身的。四人帮还不如叫上海帮呢。文革看上去是全国在发动文革，可是四人帮中三个人都是上海帮。简化一下，文革的实质是上海争夺战。所以，我说没有上海帮，上海作为中国的第一政治高地，兵家必争之地，说成一个帮派，毫无道理。
文革完全可以简化成上海争夺战。陈毅，陈丕显都是周恩来的马仔。就是毛泽东要争夺上海的控制权。文革不仅仅要打倒刘少奇和邓小平，更重要的是要打倒周恩来。批林批孔嘛，孔不是孔家店而是周恩来的代名词。毛泽东都已经明说了，批林批周，批林彪，批周恩来，毛泽东都已经把林彪和周恩来并列在一起批斗了。毛泽东已经明说了，林彪是周恩来的马仔。林彪并不是毛泽东的人。按照35岁正部级定律，林彪21岁认识的毛泽东，22岁认识的周恩来（网友补充，可能林彪20岁南昌暴动的时候就认识周恩来了）。在林彪认识毛泽东之前，林彪已经认识陈毅了。林彪是周恩来的马仔，不是毛泽东的马仔，这样很多逻辑就通顺了。林彪是周恩来的马仔，毛泽东才会把林彪弄死，毛泽东为什么不把华国锋弄死呢？如果毛岸英代替林彪的位置，担任接班人，毛泽东还会把毛岸英弄死吗？毛泽东之所以假意指定林彪当接班人，就是为了拉拢周恩来，灭掉刘少奇，邓小平。
吴伟是交通银行行长李军提拔的。李军和提拔胡锦涛的贾志杰有交集，和俞正声有交集。和主管中国金融的副总理温家宝有交集。后来温家宝直接就是总理了。后来李军去了中国银行当监事长，和现在福州市委书记郭宁宁又有交集。郭宁宁到底是不是温家宝让李军提拔的，还有待研究。吴伟在山西当副省长第一个大秘张文栋，原来是山西副省长张复明的大秘，张复明可能是有团派背景的张宝顺提拔的。
张文栋和师谦在同一个时空之内，分别担任中北大学的党委书记和校长。张文栋和师谦的私人关系肯定很好，两个人是一个派系的。师谦认识邓小平打桥牌的牌友王大明。
吴伟在山西省副省长的第二个大秘是向弟海，2008年1月17日之前，32岁的向弟海任财政部社会保障司环境资源处副处长。当时财政部社会保障司副司长是由明春和余功斌。当时搞了一个医改，就是当时总理温家宝主持的。向第海在写医改材料的时候，设计医改方案，认识了温家宝。吴伟在山西的第二个大秘，向第海有温家宝的背景。吴伟会不会担任上海市长呢，我不知道。
我们继续看朱芝松和应勇的关系。大外宣这个业务水平太低，信口胡喷。以前没有人戳穿他们，天天拿着习近平洗地。我就不贴他的名字了，推特36万粉丝的大威。首先，朱芝松和应勇之间的关系是异常的清楚。
2019年08月，50岁的朱芝松任上海市人民政府副秘书长，中国（上海）自由贸易试验区临港新片区管理委员会常务副主任、洋山保税港区管理委员会主任（兼）。主任是陈寅，朱芝松给陈寅担任大秘。陈寅是应勇大秘，失踪很久。也就是说，朱芝松是应勇的秘书，陈寅的秘书。陈寅抓了，一直不公布，就是等着抓应勇呢。应勇又是习近平的铁杆马仔。
这名网友说，应勇要是被抓，那习主席就彻底让人拿下了，网上据说应勇是习近平的兄弟来着，习近平搞女人都是应勇在外守着的。不过应勇是最高检察长，想抓他，也很难啊。
另外一名网友说，全中国只有应勇可以在喝醉后和习近平睡一张床上！是好兄弟。如果，应勇和习近平的关系真的这么铁的话，那就不仅仅是要抓应勇那么简单的事情了，而是要抓习近平。不会有任何怀疑，习近平只要丧失了军权。还有什么不能抓的呢。
如果习近平被抓了，那就是四人帮模式，习近平就是现行反革命。如果习近平没事，那就是胡耀邦模式。应勇应该是没戏了，首先应勇的大秘陈寅已经失踪很久，就是被抓了。第二呢辽宁省政协主席周波也传言被抓，但是迟迟没有抓。周波是韩正的铁杆马仔。王岐山和韩正都是习近平的铁杆马仔。王岐山和韩正都是犯事儿不敢退休。习近平为了保王岐山让王岐山当国家副主席。习近平为了保韩正，让韩正当国家副主席。王岐山是因为抓了曾庆红的亲戚孙政才，所以不敢退休。韩正还不知道是什么原因。肯定是干了缺德事情，所以不敢退休。习近平保着韩正，现在习近平还保得住，保不住韩正，都不好说。
上海市副市长陈宇剑曾经是周波的下属，也曾经是陈寅的下属。陈宇剑按说也应该抓了，不知道为什么不抓，都跑不了啊。
朱芝松是应勇的秘书陈寅的秘书，应勇既然是习近平的铁杆马仔，那么朱芝松也应该是习近平的铁杆马仔才对。
上海航天技术研究院，好像又名八院。这就是习近平的犯罪窝点。大外宣为了给习近平洗地，扯到江绵恒身上了。朱芝松曾经担任八院总体所所长（1999年朱芝松被破格晋升为研究员），当时的八院院长是金壮龙（1998年-2001年）。所以按说应该先把金壮龙抓了，再抓应勇。八院前后三个院长，袁洁，朱芝松，代守仑都抓了。金壮龙也不能跑了呀。金壮龙提拔的朱芝松。
朱芝松到底和习近平有什么关系呢，金壮龙要提拔朱芝松呢。1989年，20岁的朱芝松毕业于哈尔滨工业大学机械制造专业。20岁就毕业，跳级了还是怎么回事儿。这不还是哈尔滨帮吗？哈尔滨帮就是彭丽媛罗健马兴瑞的大本营。准确的说还不能说是哈尔滨帮，哈尔滨市是副部级单位，肯定不止一个派系。准确的说应该是哈尔滨工业大学帮。哈工大才是习近平真正的全家桶。但是哈工大主要是研究生院，马兴瑞的导师黄文虎，是哈工大帮。
朱芝松念的是机械制造专业。朱芝松的系主任叫做齐毓霖。齐毓霖，男，1928年1月生于浙江杭州，长期担任哈尔滨工业大学机械工程系主任。齐毓霖是朱芝松的系主任，曾经担任谭震林秘书。谭震林我们简单看一下，就是新四军，陈毅。这些都是习近平派系的关键词。这不是又回到陈毅的秘书谷牧，谷牧提拔的贾庆林，贾庆林提拔的习近平。转来转去就跑不出那几个人。好的，谢谢大家。
英文翻译
Zhu Zhisong’s relationship with Peng Liyuan and Xi Jinping. When will Ying Yong be arrested? Wu Wei’s relationship with Wen Jiabao
It’s the Harbin Gang again, the relationship between Zhu Zhisong and Xi Jinping. Wu Wei’s relationship with Wen Jiabao
Hello everyone, we are focusing on Shanghai, let’s talk about the Pudong Party Secretary Zhu Zhisong who was just arrested and the Shanghai Vice Mayor Wu Wei who was just appointed. Let’s talk about Shanghai first, let’s talk about officials related to the Politburo Standing Committee. This is the score list of provincial party secretaries, two points for the Politburo Standing Committee, 1 point for the Politburo members, and 0.5 points for the other vice chairmen of the National People’s Congress, vice chairmen of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, vice premiers of the State Council, the Supreme People’s Procuratorate, and the Supreme People’s Court. In the history of Shanxi, none of the 21 provincial party secretaries was promoted to the vice-state level. Shanghai is China’s first political highland, so let’s focus on Shanghai.
Reply to this netizen, the mayor of Shanghai Huangpu District is too low in rank, at least it should be said to be vice-ministerial or ministerial. Let’s talk about Shanghai Vice Mayor Wu Wei. Wu Wei and Xiong Jijun should say that arresting Zhu Zhisong is a prelude to arresting Ying Yong. Ying Yong will definitely be arrested. If Ying Yong is arrested, Li Qiang will be the general secretary. Li Qiang wants to step on Ying Yong to get to the top, so Ying Yong can’t escape.
To talk about Wu Wei, we must first talk about Xiong Jijun. Wu Wei promoted Xiong Jijun. Xiong Jijun was also transferred from the deputy governor of Shanxi to the deputy minister of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology after Xi Jinping lost power after the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee.
From November 2005 to June 2013, 34-year-old Xiong Jijun served as the director of the Department of Electronic Science and Technology and the dean of the School of Electronic and Computer Science and Technology of North China University. The party secretary of North China University at that time was Shi Qian (August 2004-December 2011), and the president at that time was Zhang Wendong (October 2000 to January 2010)
From August 2020 to July 2022, 49-year-old Xiong Jijun served as the president of North China University and the deputy chairman of the Shanxi Provincial Committee of the Democratic Progressive Party
On the morning of August 28, 2020, North China University held a school-wide cadre meeting in the academic lecture hall on the fifth floor of the library. Wu Wei, vice governor of Shanxi Province and deputy leader of the provincial party committee’s education work leading group, attended the meeting and delivered a speech. Zhang Wendong, deputy secretary-general of the provincial government, Liu Peng, member of the provincial party committee’s organization department, and He Linyou, deputy secretary of the provincial party committee’s education work committee and member of the party group of the provincial education department, attended the meeting. All school leaders, party committee standing committee members, and middle-level cadres attended the meeting.
Let’s look at 15 years ago in 2005 when Zhang Wendong was the president of North China University, Xiong Jijun was the director of the Department of Electronic Science and Technology of North China University. 15 years later in 2020, Xiong Jijun became the president of North China University, and it was Zhang Wendong, then the deputy secretary-general of the Shanxi Provincial Government, who announced the appointment. In other words, the person who promoted Xiong Jijun was the same person 15 years ago and 15 years later. Of course, as the deputy secretary-general of the Shanxi Provincial Government, Zhang Wendong did not have enough power to promote Xiong Jijun, but Wu Wei, the vice governor of Shanxi Province, had such power.
Before Zhang Wendong became Wu Wei’s secretary, he served as the chief secretary of Zhang Fuming, the vice governor of Shanxi Province. In June 2004, Zhang Fuming, 41, was appointed as the deputy director of the Economic Research Center of the Shanxi Provincial People’s Government. The governor of Shanxi at that time was Zhang Baoshun (January 2004-July 2005). Zhang Baoshun came from the Communist Youth League during the period when Hu Jintao was the first secretary, and is generally considered to be a member of the Youth League faction. Officials who came from the Communist Youth League, especially those who came from local Communist Youth Leagues, are not necessarily members of the Youth League faction. Only those who served as subordinates of Hu Jintao or Li Keqiang and were promoted by Hu Jintao or Li Keqiang are members of the Youth League faction. The key is to look at the person and see who his superior is. It cannot be said that the Communist Youth League is the Youth League faction and Shanghai is the Shanghai Gang.
At first, I thought that this was Xiong Jijun’s background. Zhang Wendong, then president of North China University, promoted Xiong Jijun. Later, Zhang Wendong was Wu Wei’s chief secretary, and Wu Wei promoted Xiong Jijun. But in fact, Xiong Jijun’s background is far more than that. Shi Qian, then secretary of the Party Committee of North China University, knew Wang Daming, a bridge-playing partner of Deng Xiaoping. Deng Xiaoping stayed at home every day and didn’t know anyone. Deng Xiaoping just controlled military power. Few local officials were promoted by Deng Xiaoping. It was Deng Xiaoping’s three bridge-playing partners, Ding Guangen, Wang Hanbin, and Wang Daming, who whispered in Deng Xiaoping’s ears, and Deng Xiaoping promoted a few local officials. If Deng Xiaoping had held all the power to promote local officials in his own hands, there would be no reform and opening up in China. To put it bluntly, the separation of powers and power constraints are not just the American system, but the human system and the crystallization of human civilization. Deng Xiaoping was reluctant to give up all his dictatorial power. He created a super low-profile version of the depression, holding the military power behind the scenes, and delegated the power to promote local officials to Chen Yun, Hu Yaobang, Zhao Ziyang and Jiang Zemin.
Wang Daming promoted Qiang Wei, Qiang Wei promoted Li Yaoguang and Heng Xiaofan, who are now the secretaries of the Political and Legal Committee of Jiangsu Province and Tianjin City respectively. Shi Qian knew Wang Daming, and Xiong Jijun, who was promoted by Shi Qian, is now the vice minister of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology. There is also Jin Hui, the vice governor of Hebei Province, who was also promoted by Wang Daming. Wu Wei promoted Xiong Jijun.
In December 2004, 34-year-old Wu Wei was appointed as the deputy general manager of the Budget and Finance Department of the Bank of Communications (clearly designated as a department head in January 2006). The chairman at that time was Jiang Chaoliang (January 2004 – September 2008). Jiang Chaoliang has Wang Qishan’s background. I am not sure whether Jiang Chaoliang is Wang Qishan’s henchman. If so, Jiang Chaoliang is Xi Jinping’s man. At first glance, Wu Wei seems to be promoted by Jiang Chaoliang. But in fact, this step is just a horizontal transfer. In fact, in August 2002, 32-year-old Wu Wei was already the deputy general manager of the Financial Accounting Department of the Bank of Communications. At that time, Li Jun was the deputy president of the Bank of Communications. If you look closely, in April 1998, Li Jun served as the chief auditor of the Bank of Communications. It was already at the level of deputy president. At that time, Wu Wei was the head of the Financial Department of the Financial Accounting Department of the Bank of Communications.
In general, the timeline of Wu Wei and Li Jun is more consistent. In March 2007, 37-year-old Wu Wei was the general manager of the Budget and Finance Department of the Bank of Communications. The chairman at that time was Jiang Chaoliang (January 2004 – September 2008), and the president was Li Jun (September 2006 – December 2009). Wu Wei served as the deputy and principal positions of the subordinate departments of the Bank of Communications, and Li Jun served as the deputy president and president respectively. Li Jun happened to be in a position where Wu Wei could be promoted. When Wu Wei was promoted to the vice president of the Bank of Communications, it was no longer decided by the people inside the Bank of Communications. In other words, the chairman or president of the Bank of Communications could not decide the candidate for the vice president, and the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission or the State Council of China had to decide.
Li Jun and Yu Zhengsheng, Hubei Provincial Party Secretary Jia Zhijie, and Wen Jiabao all had intersections. First of all, Li Jun was originally the president of the Wuhan Branch of the Bank of Communications. The head office of the Bank of Communications is in Shanghai, which means that Li Jun went from Wuhan to Shanghai. Yu Zhengsheng was also the secretary of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee, and also went from Wuhan to Shanghai. On the afternoon of July 3, 2009, the signing ceremony of the memorandum of comprehensive cooperation between the Shanghai Municipal People’s Government and the Bank of Communications Co., Ltd. was held in Shanghai. Yu Zhengsheng, member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, and Hu Huaibang, Chairman of the Bank of Communications, attended the signing ceremony and delivered speeches. Han Zheng, Deputy Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee and Mayor, signed a memorandum of comprehensive cooperation with Li Jun, President of the Bank of Communications.
Li Jun did have a direct intersection with Yu Zhengsheng. But when Li Jun was in Wuhan, Yu Zhengsheng had not yet gone to Hubei to serve as the Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee, so the timeline did not match. Jia Zhijie, the Secretary of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee at the time, was originally from Gansu. Jia Zhijie was promoted by Feng Jixin in Gansu. Feng Jixin promoted Hu Jintao to the deputy bureau level and the bureau level, and recommended Hu Jintao to Deng Xiaoping. When Jia Zhijie was the Secretary of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee, he had an intersection with Li Jun on the timeline. So this group of second-generation reds were all arranged. Although they belong to different factions, the routine is the same. Without Jia Zhijie to pave the way for Yu Zhengsheng in Hubei, Yu Zhengsheng would not have gone to Hubei.
To sum up, the reason why Yu Zhengsheng went to Hubei was because Jia Zhijie, the previous Secretary of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee, had the background of Hu Jintao. Why did Li Keqiang go to Henan? Because the previous Henan Provincial Party Secretary Ma Zhongchen was a man of Zhao Ziyang and Tian Jiyun. Why did Xi Jinping go to Fujian? Because Jia Qinglin was promoted by Gu Mu. Gu Mu was Chen Yi’s chief secretary in the East China Bureau. Later, Chen Yi specifically transferred Gu Mu to Shanghai to serve as the Minister of Propaganda. The Minister of Propaganda and the pen holder are also considered a kind of chief secretary. Xi Zhongxun was Zhou Enlai’s chief secretary and also served the first vice premier Chen Yi.
There is no Shanghai Gang. If you must say there is a Shanghai Gang, the first generation of Shanghai Gang is also from the faction of Zhou Enlai and Chen Yi. Xi Zhongxun and Xi Jinping are the Shanghai Gang. Jiang Zemin was a thing of the past. Later, Zhang Chunqiao was the Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee. Among the Gang of Four, except Jiang Qing, Wang Hongwen, Zhang Chunqiao, and Yao Wenyuan were all from Shanghai. The Gang of Four might as well be called the Shanghai Gang. The Cultural Revolution seemed to be launched nationwide, but three of the Gang of Four were from the Shanghai Gang. To simplify, the essence of the Cultural Revolution was the battle for Shanghai. Therefore, I said there is no Shanghai Gang. Shanghai is China’s first political high ground and a place of strategic importance. It is unreasonable to say that it is a gang.
The Cultural Revolution can be completely simplified into a battle for Shanghai. Chen Yi and Chen Pixian were both Zhou Enlai’s lackeys. Mao Zedong wanted to fight for control of Shanghai. The Cultural Revolution was not only to overthrow Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, but more importantly to overthrow Zhou Enlai. Criticizing Lin and Confucius, Confucius is not a synonym for Confucius’s shop but Zhou Enlai. Mao Zedong has already made it clear that he criticized Lin and Zhou, criticized Lin Biao, and criticized Zhou Enlai. Mao Zedong has already criticized Lin Biao and Zhou Enlai together. Mao Zedong has already made it clear that Lin Biao is Zhou Enlai’s lackey. Lin Biao is not Mao Zedong’s man. According to the 35-year-old ministerial level law, Lin Biao met Mao Zedong at the age of 21 and met Zhou Enlai at the age of 22 (netizens added that Lin Biao may have met Zhou Enlai when he was 20 years old during the Nanchang Uprising). Before Lin Biao met Mao Zedong, Lin Biao had already met Chen Yi. Lin Biao was Zhou Enlai’s lackey, not Mao Zedong’s lackey, so many logics are smooth. Lin Biao was Zhou Enlai’s lackey, so Mao Zedong killed Lin Biao. Why didn’t Mao Zedong kill Hua Guofeng? If Mao Anying replaced Lin Biao and served as the successor, would Mao Zedong still kill Mao Anying? The reason why Mao Zedong pretended to designate Lin Biao as the successor was to win over Zhou Enlai and eliminate Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping.
Wu Wei was promoted by Li Jun, the president of the Bank of Communications. Li Jun has intersections with Jia Zhijie, who promoted Hu Jintao, and Yu Zhengsheng. He has intersections with Wen Jiabao, the vice premier in charge of China’s finance. Later, Wen Jiabao directly became the prime minister. Later, Li Jun went to the Bank of China as the chairman of the supervisory board, and he has intersections with Guo Ningning, the current secretary of the Fuzhou Municipal Party Committee. Whether Wen Jiabao asked Li Jun to promote Guo Ningning remains to be studied. Zhang Wendong, Wu Wei’s first chief secretary when he was vice governor of Shanxi, was originally the chief secretary of Zhang Fuming, vice governor of Shanxi. Zhang Fuming may have been promoted by Zhang Baoshun, who had a background in the Youth League.
Zhang Wendong and Shi Qian were in the same time and space, serving as the party secretary and president of North China University respectively. Zhang Wendong and Shi Qian must have had a good personal relationship, as they were from the same faction. Shi Qian knew Wang Daming, a bridge player friend of Deng Xiaoping.
Wu Wei’s second chief secretary when he was vice governor of Shanxi Province was Xiang Dihai. Before January 17, 2008, Xiang Dihai, 32, was deputy director of the Environmental Resources Division of the Social Security Department of the Ministry of Finance. At that time, the deputy directors of the Social Security Department of the Ministry of Finance were Ming Chun and Yu Gongbin. At that time, a medical reform was carried out, which was presided over by the then Premier Wen Jiabao. When Xiang Dihai was writing medical reform materials and designing medical reform plans, he met Wen Jiabao. Xiang Dihai, Wu Wei’s second chief secretary in Shanxi, had a background in Wen Jiabao. I don’t know whether Wu Wei will serve as mayor of Shanghai.
Let’s continue to look at the relationship between Zhu Zhisong and Ying Yong. The business level of the big foreign propaganda is too low, and they speak nonsense. No one has exposed them before, and they use Xi Jinping to whitewash every day. I won’t post his name, but he has 360,000 followers on Twitter. First of all, the relationship between Zhu Zhisong and Ying Yong is extremely clear.
In August 2019, 50-year-old Zhu Zhisong served as Deputy Secretary-General of the Shanghai Municipal People’s Government, Executive Deputy Director of the Lingang New Area Management Committee of the China (Shanghai) Pilot Free Trade Zone, and Director of the Yangshan Free Trade Port Management Committee (concurrently). The director is Chen Yin, and Zhu Zhisong serves as Chen Yin’s chief secretary. Chen Yin is Ying Yong’s chief secretary and has been missing for a long time. In other words, Zhu Zhisong is Ying Yong’s secretary and Chen Yin’s secretary. Chen Yin was arrested, but it has not been announced, just waiting to arrest Ying Yong. Ying Yong is also Xi Jinping’s iron-clad henchman.
This netizen said that if Ying Yong was arrested, then President Xi would be completely taken down. It is said on the Internet that Ying Yong is Xi Jinping’s brother, and Xi Jinping’s women are all guarded by Ying Yong outside. However, Ying Yong is the Supreme Procurator General, so it is difficult to arrest him.
Another netizen said that Ying Yong is the only one in China who can sleep in the same bed with Xi Jinping after getting drunk! They are good brothers. If the relationship between Ying Yong and Xi Jinping is really so close, then it is not just a simple matter of arresting Ying Yong, but arresting Xi Jinping. There will be no doubt that as long as Xi Jinping loses his military power, there is nothing else that cannot be arrested.
If Xi Jinping is arrested, it will be the Gang of Four model, and Xi Jinping is an active counter-revolutionary. If Xi Jinping is fine, it will be the Hu Yaobang model. Ying Yong should be out of luck. First of all, Ying Yong’s chief secretary Chen Yin has been missing for a long time, and he must be arrested. Secondly, Zhou Bo, chairman of the Liaoning Provincial CPPCC, is also rumored to be arrested, but he has not been arrested yet. Zhou Bo is Han Zheng’s iron henchman. Wang Qishan and Han Zheng are both Xi Jinping’s iron henchmen. Wang Qishan and Han Zheng are both afraid to retire after committing crimes. In order to protect Wang Qishan, Xi Jinping made Wang Qishan the vice president of the country. In order to protect Han Zheng, Xi Jinping made Han Zheng the vice president of the country. Wang Qishan dared not retire because he arrested Zeng Qinghong’s relative Sun Zhengcai. Han Zheng still doesn’t know the reason. He must have done something immoral, so he dared not retire. Xi Jinping protected Han Zheng, and now Xi Jinping can still protect him. It’s hard to say whether he can protect Han Zheng or not.
Chen Yujian, deputy mayor of Shanghai, was once a subordinate of Zhou Bo and also a subordinate of Chen Yin. Chen Yujian should have been arrested, but I don’t know why he was not arrested. He can’t escape.
Zhu Zhisong is the secretary of Chen Yin, the secretary of Ying Yong. Since Ying Yong is Xi Jinping’s iron henchman, Zhu Zhisong should also be Xi Jinping’s iron henchman.
Shanghai Academy of Space Technology, also known as the Eighth Institute. This is Xi Jinping’s criminal den. In order to whitewash Xi Jinping, the big foreign propaganda dragged Jiang Mianheng. Zhu Zhisong once served as the director of the General Institute of the Eighth Institute (Zhu Zhisong was promoted to researcher in 1999), and the president of the Eighth Institute at that time was Jin Zhuanglong (1998-2001). So it should be that Jin Zhuanglong should be arrested first, and then Ying Yong. The three former and current presidents of the Eighth Hospital, Yuan Jie, Zhu Zhisong, and Dai Shoulun, have all been arrested. Jin Zhuanglong can’t escape either. Zhu Zhisong was promoted by Jin Zhuanglong.
What is the relationship between Zhu Zhisong and Xi Jinping? Why did Jin Zhuanglong promote Zhu Zhisong? In 1989, 20-year-old Zhu Zhisong graduated from Harbin Institute of Technology with a major in mechanical manufacturing. He graduated at the age of 20, skipped a grade, or something. Isn’t this still the Harbin Gang? The Harbin Gang is the base camp of Peng Liyuan, Luo Jian, and Ma Xingrui. To be precise, it cannot be called the Harbin Gang. Harbin is a vice-ministerial unit, and there must be more than one faction. To be precise, it should be the Harbin Institute of Technology Gang. Harbin Harbin Institute of Technology is Xi Jinping’s real family bucket. But Harbin Institute of Technology is mainly a graduate school. Ma Xingrui’s mentor Huang Wenhu is from Harbin Institute of Technology.
Zhu Zhisong studied mechanical manufacturing. Zhu Zhisong’s department head is Qi Yulin. Qi Yulin, male, was born in Hangzhou, Zhejiang in January 1928. He has long served as the director of the Department of Mechanical Engineering at Harbin Institute of Technology. Qi Yulin is Zhu Zhisong’s department head and once served as Tan Zhenlin’s secretary. Let’s take a quick look at Tan Zhenlin. He is the New Fourth Army and Chen Yi. These are the keywords of Xi Jinping’s faction. Isn’t this going back to Chen Yi’s secretary Gu Mu, Gu Mu promoted Jia Qinglin, and Jia Qinglin promoted Xi Jinping. After turning around, you can’t escape those few people. Okay, thank you everyone.