政治局委员述职越发低调，二会会不会动王小洪？丁薛祥陈一新政治导师一抓一死。德州帮要团灭。赵克志等着进秦城。姜春云大秘马仲才畏罪自杀
大家好，政治局委员述职是2017年按《中共中央政治局关于加强和维护党中央集中统一领导的若干规定》开始的。不止向习近平一个人述职，还有其他的常委。以前肯定就是政治局委员向习近平表忠心，纳投名狀，维护习近平的的核心地位。现在已经不是习近平定于一尊，而且集体领导。这是中共官方目前的说法。
在二会前，是不是证明表明习近平的地位暂时不会变。这个不好说。关键还是看人事的变化，游钧已经上位了。和游钧师出同门江苏省委书记信长星，之前传说要接替王小洪公安部长的位置，先接替党委书记。然后再接公安部长。二会马上就开了，会不会在二会上操作，我不清楚。
比较每年的通稿，会发现政治表态越来越低调。习近平权力相比反而证明肯定下降。
我们看一下
2021年摘贴
坚决把党中央决策部署和习近平总书记重要指示精神落到实处，始终坚持把“两个维护”作为最高政治原则和根本政治规矩，不断增强维护的自觉性和坚定性，提高维护能力和效果。
2022年摘贴
中央政治局同志自觉维护习近平总书记党中央的核心、全党的核心地位，自觉把维护以习近平同志为核心的党中央权威和集中统一领导作为最高政治原则和根本政治规矩，
2023年开始降调
必须全面贯彻习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想，坚决维护以习近平同志为核心的党中央权威和集中统一领导，
24年，25年
除每年必备的2442外，连常规表达的坚决维护以习近平同志为核心的党中央权威和集中统一领导字眼都沒有了。
只能说习近平越来越低调，但是还没有彻底把习近平打到。有的人就是以习近平的操行，如果大权在握肯定是不会这么低调。反驳的说法就是习近平还在，就看怎么判断这个问题。简单说就是两个判断，一是习近平大权在握，二是习近平是华国锋2.0。华国锋也不是一天，谁还能记得当时的事情，当时也没有网。
华国锋当时还曾经亲自兼任过公安部长
其实我们看一下中国历任的公安部长，一共15个，有7个人担任公安部长之前是省委书记。有4个人担任公安部长之前是其他正部级的职位。王小洪是第二个由公安部长常务副部长，升任部长，之前还有一个陶驷驹。
华国锋这个最特殊，是反向兼任，副总理兼任公安部长，当时华国锋可能叫做国务院业务组副组长。实际就是副总理。
其他3个部长，都是资浅官员，升任公安部长的。其中罗瑞卿是从华北军区政治部主任，升任公安部长的。按照现在的推，军区政治部主任也就是少将，就是相当于副部级。不过罗瑞卿是第一任肯定都是白手起家的。李震是文革，直接从副部长升任部长。当时可能叫做革委会主任。阮崇武是胡耀邦的人，这是赵紫阳说的。
胡耀邦被吹的，调子起的太高。大家看这多霸道啊，一个上海市副市长。直接生拔成公安部长。就是说胡耀邦大权在握的时候也是很霸道的。他是一个中共独裁政党的总书记，不是民主人士。吹得过分了。
这些公安部长，基本从省委书记升上去的。其中赵苍璧和周永康都曾经是四川省委书记。四川是唯一个省，出过两个公安部长。
王小洪虽然是从公安部内部升任公安部长，但是王小洪之前虽然不是省委书记也是正部级。
王小洪前面的赵克志就是从河北省委书记升任公安部长的。赵克志所属的的德州帮岌岌可危。我看看赵克志，丁薛祥，陈一新和德州帮。这是要抓赵克志，还是要抓丁薛祥，还要是要抓陈一新啊。反正德州帮现在是一死一抓。山东省人大常委会原副主任、党组原书记马仲才同志死了。
马仲才曾经是山东省德州的地委书记，当时叫地委。赵克志也曾经是山东省德州市的市委书记。改名叫做地级市其实是一个东西。马仲才还曾经是姜春云的大秘。姜春云担任山东省委书记的时候，马仲才担任山东省委秘书长。正是姜春云担任山东省委书记，期间，边巴扎西到德州去挂职。
也就是说，马仲才担任山东省委秘书长的时候安排边巴扎西去自己之前担任地委书记的德州去挂职。边巴扎西是贾庆林和刘延东提拔的。都是习近平的全家桶。边巴扎西和丁薛祥使用同一个秘书张宏亮。
马仲才的死因可疑在什么地方呢。2025年2月19日，姜春云的秘书李显刚被公诉。然后2025年2月25日，姜春云另外一个秘书马仲才死了。姜春云，金人庆，张育军死在了同一天。死在了20大之前2021年北戴河会议结束的那一天。北戴河会议开出了三条人命。然后大外宣告诉我没有北戴河会议。
姜春云的两个秘书在一个礼拜之内一个被判刑，一个死了。太特么巧了。就不说，马仲才是自己走的。那也是着急上火，急火攻心，气死的，或者吓死的。要不然太巧了，为什么姜春云的秘书李显刚一被起诉，姜春云另外一个秘书马仲才就死了呢。怎么解释这个事情，这能是巧合吗？巧合得太离谱了。
这两个哥们一抓，一死，针对谁啊，针对赵克志，针对丁薛祥。
陈一新在哪儿呢。
1996年12月 – 1999年7月，33岁的李显刚任农业部农村经济研究中心副主任（副司长级）。期间，1996年3月 – 1997年12月挂职任安徽省亳州市涡阳县委副书记）。当时没有亳州市，行政区划有调整。当时属于阜阳地区，当时的阜阳市委书记是王怀忠（1995年10月 – 1999年10月），当时的可能叫地委书记。当时阜阳市长是乔传秀（1996年2月 – 1996年6月）。当时可能叫行署专员。换个名字，换汤不换药。乔传秀的秘书就是陈一新。
陈一新在浙江不是给习近平当大秘，是给乔传秀当大秘的。偶尔陈一新会服务习近平。但是乔传秀和习近平是一个派系的，所以陈一新和习近平是一个派系的。这都是朱镕基提拔的，看年代就是知道是李鹏朱镕基提拔的。我们看王怀忠有多抽象，自称曹操，世界总统，扬言阜阳是我的天下。这都是陈一新的政治导师。阅兵书记李兴民就是王怀忠的马仔。大家看看朱镕基都提拔了什么样的抽象的人。
就是从王怀忠，李兴民这里就能看出来，陈一新是什么人，习近平是什么人，朱镕基是什么人。乔传秀是什么人，这都是他们的马仔。所以陈一新不抓，真是说不过去。等等看吧，陈一新跑不了的。
我回复一下这名网友：
二十届中央纪委常委会星期一举行集体学习，聚焦“深入学习实践习近平文化思想，建设社会主义文化强国”李希这出挺抽象啊…
我的回复是，我也觉得李希挺抽象的，但是还要仔细看。
2025年2月27日新华社公布了李希在二十届中纪委四次全会上的工作报告。整个报告16000字，提了31次习近平。这挺包的力度也不小了。但是什么事情都要比较着来，今年16000字的报告提了31次习近平。平均500个字提一次习近平。可是一对比去年中纪委三次全会，14000子的报告就提了37次习近平。平均380个字提一次习近平。乍一看，李希还在挺包，可是仔细一比较。李希挺包的力度只有去年的四分之三，75%，降幅明显啊。
所以什么事情都要仔细地看，不要被表象所欺骗。这要不嫌麻烦，可以把以前赵乐际当中纪委书记和李希二次全会都拿出来比较一下。就是乍一看，还在挺包，仔细一比较低调了不少。
首先就是中管干部落马创纪录58人。习近平当了12年总书记。那肯定是习近平的人多呀。要不习近平白当12年总书记。既然这些被抓的官员都是习近平的人。可以挨个看派系，这58人起码55个是习近平的人。也就是说李希在疯狂地对习近平捅刀子。连捅58刀。还说李希是习近平的人，这就没法解释了。其次就是李尚福秦刚苗华，这些都是习近平的心头肉，核心马仔都被抓了。
有人非要说李希是习近平的人。说三中全会之后习近平丧失大权。让谁去抓人都可以。这种说法很明显是错误的。去年抓了58个官员，他不是在三中全会之后才抓的。三中全会之前也抓了。三中全会之前抓的也是习近平的人，这种说法就是不理解权力是怎么运作的。
中纪委抓人不是说习近平一句话，他说抓谁就抓谁。要有黑材料啊。就说凑黑材料，罗织罪名。那也得有一个过程啊。不是说想抓谁就抓谁。如果是那样的话，习近平早就把胡锦涛和江泽民的人都抓光了。事情需要人去办，不是说，是个人就能办，中纪委要有人才行。
现在既然习近平天天被抓，那就说明中纪委大部分权力不在习近平手中。不然不可能抓自己的人。真以为中国有反腐败呢，全是政治斗争。所有的中管干部都是某位总书记或者总理提拔的。凭什么抓呢？就是政治斗争。只可能抓对手的人，没有人抓自己人。
李希表面上在挺包，其实力度也下降了。就看怎么看这个问题了。
还有一个角度就是逆向思维。就是蔡奇哪里去了？为什么三中全会之后，蔡奇挺包的力度大幅下降。蔡奇就经常不出来了没机会挺包了。
从这个角度来说，也能证明蔡奇就是习近平的人，李希不是习近平的人。蔡奇这会儿要出来大力挺包，胡锦涛就可能认为习近平真要反扑了。那就要弄死蔡奇。包括丁薛祥也低调了，都是常委。反而李希无所谓，口头挺包就是装装样子，维稳。没到摊牌的时候。李希是胡锦涛的人，反而可以假装挺包。蔡奇他不敢啊，自保都来不及呢。我觉得可以这么理解。
好的，谢谢大家。
英文翻译
The Politburo members are reporting their work more and more low-key. Will the two sessions touch Wang Xiaohong? Ding Xuexiang and Chen Yixin, the political mentors, were arrested and killed. The Dezhou Gang will be wiped out. Zhao Kezhi is waiting to be sent to Qincheng. Jiang Chunyun’s chief secretary Ma Zhongcai committed suicide out of fear of crime
Hello everyone, the Politburo members’ reporting their work began in 2017 in accordance with the “Several Provisions of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee on Strengthening and Maintaining the Centralized and Unified Leadership of the Party Central Committee”. Not only do they report their work to Xi Jinping, but also other Standing Committee members. In the past, it must have been the Politburo members who expressed their loyalty to Xi Jinping, submitted their names, and maintained Xi Jinping’s core position. Now it is no longer Xi Jinping who is the only one, but collective leadership. This is the current official statement of the CPC.
Before the two sessions, is it proved that Xi Jinping’s status will not change for the time being? This is hard to say. The key is to look at personnel changes. You Jun has already taken office. Xin Changxing, the Secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee, who is from the same school as You Jun, was previously rumored to replace Wang Xiaohong as the Minister of Public Security, first as the Secretary of the Party Committee. Then he will take over as the Minister of Public Security. The two sessions will be held soon. I don’t know whether it will be operated at the two sessions.
Comparing the annual drafts, we will find that political statements are becoming more and more low-key. Xi Jinping’s power has definitely declined.
Let’s take a look at
2021 excerpts
Resolutely implement the decisions and arrangements of the Party Central Committee and the important instructions of General Secretary Xi Jinping, always adhere to the “two safeguards” as the highest political principles and fundamental political rules, and continuously enhance the consciousness and firmness of maintenance, and improve the maintenance capabilities and effects.
2022 excerpts
The comrades of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee consciously safeguard the core position of General Secretary Xi Jinping in the Party Central Committee and the core position of the whole party, and consciously safeguard the authority and centralized and unified leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as the core as the highest political principle and fundamental political rules,
Starting to downgrade in 2023
We must fully implement Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, and resolutely safeguard the authority and centralized and unified leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as the core,
24 years, 25 years
In addition to the annual 2442, even the conventional expression of resolutely safeguarding the authority and centralized and unified leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as the core is gone.
It can only be said that Xi Jinping is becoming more and more low-key, but he has not been completely beaten. Some people think that if Xi Jinping is in power, he will definitely not be so low-key. The counterargument is that if Xi Jinping is still in power, it depends on how to judge this issue. Simply put, there are two judgments. One is that Xi Jinping is in power, and the other is that Xi Jinping is Hua Guofeng 2.0. Hua Guofeng has been in office for more than a day, who can still remember what happened at that time, and there was no Internet at that time.
Hua Guofeng also served as the Minister of Public Security at that time.
In fact, if we look at the past ministers of public security in China, there are a total of 15. Seven of them were provincial party secretaries before they became ministers of public security. Four of them held other ministerial positions before they became ministers of public security. Wang Xiaohong is the second person who was promoted from executive vice minister of public security to minister. There was also Tao Siju before him.
Hua Guofeng is the most special one. He served as the vice premier and the minister of public security. At that time, Hua Guofeng might have been called the deputy head of the State Council’s business group. He was actually the vice premier.
The other three ministers were all junior officials who were promoted to the minister of public security. Among them, Luo Ruiqing was promoted from the director of the political department of the North China Military Region to the minister of public security. According to current speculation, the director of the political department of a military region is a major general, which is equivalent to the vice-ministerial level. However, Luo Ruiqing was the first one and they all started from scratch. Li Zhen was promoted directly from vice-minister to minister during the Cultural Revolution. At that time, he might have been called the director of the Revolutionary Committee. Ruan Chongwu was Hu Yaobang’s man, this is what Zhao Ziyang said.
Hu Yaobang was praised too much. Look how domineering he was. A deputy mayor of Shanghai was directly promoted to the Minister of Public Security. That is to say, Hu Yaobang was also very domineering when he was in power. He was the general secretary of a dictatorial party of the Chinese Communist Party, not a democratic person. He was exaggerated.
These ministers of public security were basically promoted from provincial party secretaries. Among them, Zhao Cangbi and Zhou Yongkang were both former secretaries of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee. Sichuan is the only province that has produced two ministers of public security.
Although Wang Xiaohong was promoted to the Minister of Public Security from within the Ministry of Public Security, although Wang Xiaohong was not a provincial party secretary before him, he was also at the ministerial level.
Zhao Kezhi, who preceded Wang Xiaohong, was promoted to the Minister of Public Security from the Secretary of the Hebei Provincial Party Committee. The Dezhou Gang, to which Zhao Kezhi belongs, is in danger. Let me look at Zhao Kezhi, Ding Xuexiang, Chen Yixin and the Dezhou Gang. Is it to arrest Zhao Kezhi, Ding Xuexiang, or Chen Yixin? Anyway, one of the Dezhou Gang is dead and one is arrested. Comrade Ma Zhongcai, former deputy director of the Standing Committee of the Shandong Provincial People’s Congress and former secretary of the Party Group, is dead.
Ma Zhongcai was once the secretary of the Dezhou Prefectural Committee of Shandong Province, which was called the Prefectural Committee at that time. Zhao Kezhi was also the secretary of the Municipal Committee of Dezhou City, Shandong Province. The name change to prefecture-level city is actually the same thing. Ma Zhongcai was also Jiang Chunyun’s chief secretary. When Jiang Chunyun was the secretary of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee, Ma Zhongcai was the secretary-general of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee. It was during Jiang Chunyun’s tenure as the secretary of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee that Bian Bazaxi went to Dezhou to serve.
In other words, when Ma Zhongcai was the secretary-general of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee, he arranged for Bian Bazaxi to go to Dezhou, where he was the secretary of the Prefectural Committee before, to serve. Bian Bazaxi was promoted by Jia Qinglin and Liu Yandong. They are all Xi Jinping’s family bucket. Bian Bazaxi and Ding Xuexiang used the same secretary Zhang Hongliang.
What is the suspicious cause of Ma Zhongcai’s death? On February 19, 2025, Jiang Chunyun’s secretary Li Xiangang was prosecuted. Then on February 25, 2025, Jiang Chunyun’s other secretary Ma Zhongcai died. Jiang Chunyun, Jin Renqing, and Zhang Yujun died on the same day. They died on the day when the Beidaihe Conference ended in 2021 before the 20th National Congress. The Beidaihe Conference took three lives. Then the big foreign propaganda told me that there was no Beidaihe Conference.
Jiang Chunyun’s two secretaries were sentenced and one died within a week. It’s too damn coincidental. Let’s not talk about it, Ma Zhongcai left on his own. That was also because he was anxious, angry, angry, or scared to death. Otherwise, it was too coincidental, why did Jiang Chunyun’s secretary Li Xiangang die as soon as he was prosecuted? How to explain this matter, can this be a coincidence? The coincidence is too outrageous.
These two guys were arrested and one died. Who were they targeting? Zhao Kezhi and Ding Xuexiang.
Where is Chen Yixin?
From December 1996 to July 1999, 33-year-old Li Xiangang served as deputy director (deputy director-general level) of the Rural Economic Research Center of the Ministry of Agriculture. During this period, from March 1996 to December 1997, he served as deputy secretary of the Woyang County Party Committee of Bozhou City, Anhui Province. There was no Bozhou City at that time, and the administrative divisions were adjusted. It belonged to Fuyang District at that time. The secretary of the Fuyang Municipal Party Committee at that time was Wang Huaizhong (October 1995-October 1999), who was probably called the secretary of the prefectural party committee at that time. The mayor of Fuyang at that time was Qiao Chuanxiu (February 1996-June 1996). He might have been called the commissioner of the administrative office at that time. Changing the name, the soup does not change the medicine. Qiao Chuanxiu’s secretary is Chen Yixin.
Chen Yixin was not Xi Jinping’s chief secretary in Zhejiang, but Qiao Chuanxiu’s chief secretary. Occasionally, Chen Yixin would serve Xi Jinping. But Qiao Chuanxiu and Xi Jinping belong to the same faction, so Chen Yixin and Xi Jinping belong to the same faction. These were all promoted by Zhu Rongji. You can tell from the era that they were promoted by Li Peng and Zhu Rongji. Let’s see how abstract Wang Huaizhong is. He calls himself Cao Cao, the president of the world, and claims that Fuyang is his world. These are all Chen Yixin’s political mentors. Li Xingmin, the secretary of the military parade, is Wang Huaizhong’s lackey. Let’s see what kind of abstract people Zhu Rongji promoted.
It can be seen from Wang Huaizhong and Li Xingmin who Chen Yixin is, who Xi Jinping is, who Zhu Rongji is. Who Qiao Chuanxiu is, these are all their lackeys. So it is really unreasonable not to arrest Chen Yixin. Wait and see, Chen Yixin can’t get away.
I will reply to this netizen:
The Standing Committee of the 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection held a collective study on Monday, focusing on “deepening the study and practice of Xi Jinping’s cultural thoughts and building a socialist cultural power.” Li Xi’s performance is quite abstract…
My reply is that I also think Li Xi is quite abstract, but you still need to look carefully.
On February 27, 2025, Xinhua News Agency announced Li Xi’s work report at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. The entire report is 16,000 words, and Xi Jinping is mentioned 31 times. This is a strong support for Bao. But everything should be compared. This year’s 16,000-word report mentioned Xi Jinping 31 times. On average, Xi Jinping was mentioned once every 500 words. But compared with the third plenary session of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection last year, the 14,000-word report mentioned Xi Jinping 37 times. On average, Xi Jinping was mentioned once every 380 words. At first glance, Li Xi is still supporting Bao, but after a careful comparison. Li Xi’s support for Bao is only three-quarters of last year, 75%, a significant decrease.
So you have to look at everything carefully and don’t be deceived by appearances. If you don’t mind the trouble, you can compare Zhao Leji’s previous tenure as the Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection with Li Xi’s second plenary session. At first glance, he is still quite powerful, but a closer look shows that he is much more low-key.
First, a record 58 central government officials have been arrested. Xi Jinping has been the general secretary for 12 years. So there must be many of Xi Jinping’s people. Otherwise, Xi Jinping has been the general secretary for 12 years in vain. Since these arrested officials are all Xi Jinping’s people, we can look at their factions one by one. At least 55 of these 58 people are Xi Jinping’s people. In other words, Li Xi is stabbing Xi Jinping crazily. Stabbing him 58 times in a row. It is impossible to explain that Li Xi is Xi Jinping’s person. Secondly, Li Shangfu, Qin Gang and Miao Hua, all of whom are Xi Jinping’s favorites and core lackeys, have been arrested.
Some people insist that Li Xi is Xi Jinping’s person. They say that Xi Jinping lost power after the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee. He can let anyone arrest people. This statement is obviously wrong. He arrested 58 officials last year, but he did not arrest them after the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee. He also arrested them before the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee. Before the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, the people arrested were also Xi Jinping’s people. This kind of statement shows that they do not understand how power works.
The Central Commission for Discipline Inspection does not arrest people just because Xi Jinping says so. They arrest whoever they want to arrest. They need to have black materials. They just gather black materials and fabricate charges. That also requires a process. It is not that they can arrest whoever they want to arrest. If that were the case, Xi Jinping would have arrested all the people of Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin long ago. Things need people to do things. It is not that just one person can do it. The Central Commission for Discipline Inspection needs talents.
Now that Xi Jinping is arrested every day, it means that most of the power of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection is not in Xi Jinping’s hands. Otherwise, it would be impossible to arrest its own people. Do you really think that there is anti-corruption in China? It is all political struggle. All the cadres under the Central Committee are promoted by a general secretary or prime minister. Why are they arrested? It is political struggle. They can only arrest opponents, not their own people.
Li Xi seems to be supporting Bao, but in fact, his strength has also decreased. It depends on how you look at this issue.
Another angle is reverse thinking. Where is Cai Qi? Why did Cai Qi’s support for Bao drop significantly after the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee? Cai Qi rarely comes out to support Bao anymore.
From this perspective, it can also be proved that Cai Qi is Xi Jinping’s man, while Li Xi is not. If Cai Qi were to come out to strongly support Bao now, Hu Jintao might think that Xi Jinping is really going to counterattack. Then he would have to kill Cai Qi. Even Ding Xuexiang has kept a low profile, as they are all members of the Standing Committee. On the contrary, Li Xi doesn’t care. His verbal support for Bao is just a pretense to maintain stability. It’s not time for a showdown. Li Xi is Hu Jintao’s man, so he can pretend to support Bao. Cai Qi doesn’t dare to do that, as he doesn’t even have time to protect himself. I think this is the way to understand it.
Okay, thank you everyone.