许达哲是习仲勋私生子？习近平为什么提拔许达哲。湖南官场教父熊清泉是谁提拔的？
大家好，我们看一下许达哲。2013年4月，57岁的许达哲接替马兴瑞，任中国航天科技集团公司董事长、党组书记。57岁对于一般人就是快退休了。即便正部级65岁退休，那也就是8年。2016年8月，近60岁的许达哲任湖南省委副书记。9月5日，任湖南省人民政府副省长、代理省长。第一个问题就是许达哲为什么去湖南？和合肥市委书记张红文一样，张红文原来在军工企业工作，为什么去安徽呢？都是有原因的。张红文去安徽是因为张红文的师傅曹建国就是安徽省铜陵市人，所以张红文才去安徽的。
许达哲也是一样。1984年12月，研究生毕业后的许达哲分配到航天工业部第一研究院工作，担任15所九室设计员。许达哲在航天工业部工作了30年。几乎一生都在航天工业部工作。只是这个部门换了几次名字，换了几次马甲而已。航天工业部之前叫做国防部第五研究院，第七机械工业部。后来改名叫做航天工业总公司，航天工业集团。换汤不换药。许达哲名义上是湖南，但其实是在江西长大的。许达哲这个所谓的湖南人根本就没有在湖南省生活过。许达哲的爸妈才是湖南人。
许达哲去湖南之前已经是工信部的副部长了。假设许达哲跟习近平说我想去湖南老家建设家乡。有没有这种可能性。这种可能性很小。是老板给员工分配工作，不是员工想去哪儿就去哪儿。许达哲的确是有一个湖南的籍贯，但是许达哲去湖南，是因为他的老板在湖南有强大的势力。湖南是习近平这个派系长期盘踞的地盘，湖南才是习近平势力最强的一个省，福建，浙江都要排在后面。
我们从许达哲在湖南担任省长的大秘开始挖，许达哲的大秘在许达哲去湖南之前是谁提拔的。挖来挖去就挖回到航天科技集团，就是航天工业部。又挖回许达哲的老巢了。这个人曾经担任中组部长，和习仲勋的关系特别密切。所以说许达哲是习仲勋干儿子，甚至是私生子毫不为过。就是这么密切的关系。我们来具体看一下。
2016年8月，近60岁的许达哲任湖南省委副书记。9月5日，任湖南省人民政府副省长、代理省长。12月5日，转正任湖南省省长。期间，许达哲的大秘是向力力（2015年5月 – 2016年11月），2019年5月17日落马，许达哲虽然上任2个月就换掉了向力力，但向力力已经升任副省长。向力力是前任湖南省长杜家毫（2013年4月 – 2016年9月）任命的湖南省政府秘书长。杨光荣（2016年11月 – 2017年3月）担任4个月的大秘。王群（2017年3月 – 2021年7月）担任3年8个月大秘。毛伟明（2020年11月 – ）担任湖南省长之后9个月才换掉王群，但是要考虑许达哲继续担任湖南省委书记的因素。王群于2023年4月2日落马。
简单的说，就是许达哲担任湖南省长，用了3个大秘，3个湖南省政府秘书长。向力力，杨光荣，王群。两个已经抓了，向力力和王群都抓了。就剩下杨光荣没抓。按说杨光荣也得抓了，留着干嘛呀。杨光荣的老板许达哲抓了，杨光荣的两个同事，前后两人湖南省政府秘书长。四人帮有三个人抓了，剩下那一个，那也不可能干净。许达哲向力力王群都贪腐都腐败。杨光荣不贪污不腐败，那就是反常识。我不知道为什么不抓杨光荣。
1982年9月 – 1986年6月，19岁的杨光荣在湖南财经学院财政系财政学专业学习。
1986年6月 – 1989年8月，23岁的杨光荣在西南财经大学财政系财政学专业读硕士研究生。
杨光荣是蒋超良的校友，蒋超良是1978年到1981年在湖南财经学院，学习。两人在时间线上并没有交集，中间隔了一年。但是，1980年，湖南财经学院划归中国人民银行直接领导，成为了央行的重要人才基地。所以蒋超良和杨光荣还是有关系。等于杨光荣和蒋超良都是出身于央行培训学校。
2002年5月 – 2003年12月，39岁的杨光荣任中共长沙市天心区区委书记。当时的长沙市委书记是梅克保 (2001年8月 – 2006年11月)，长沙市长是谭仲池 (1999年10月 – 2007年11月)。2008年11月 – 2013年3月，45岁的杨光荣任湖南省旅游局局长、党组书记。当时的湖南省委书记是张春贤（2005年12月 – 2010年4月），湖南省长是周强（2006年9月 – 2010年6月）。湖南省委副书记是梅克保 (2006年11月 – 2013年2月)。杨光荣的湖南省旅游局局长就是周强不是梅克保提拔的。
2013年3月 – 2016年12月，50岁的杨光荣任湖南省张家界市委书记。当时的湖南省委书记是周强（2010年4月 – 2013年3月），徐守盛（2013年3月 – 2016年8月），湖南省长是徐守盛（2010年6月 – 2013年4月）。
杨光荣的张家界市委书记还是周强提拔的。因为梅克保刚好在杨光荣提拔张家界市委书记之前1个月去了国家质检总局，其实梅克保1月份就去了。不知道是1月底，还是说湖南副书记是2月份才免掉。要非说杨光荣张家界市委书记是梅克保走之前提拔的。差两个月勉强能说的通。但是很明显是周强临走前提拔的更靠谱。虽然后面徐守盛也是习近平派系的。
周强是习近平的人
虽然他们都是一个派系的，但是他们的人物关系也可以给弄明白。很多不相信周强是习近平的人。这里就是一个证据。湖南省一共14个地级市，张家界市委书记是地级市的一把手。省委副书记的话语权比省委书记的话语权差点意思，这是常识。三把手当然比一把手权力小啊。
肯定是一把手更说得通。梅克保已经离开湖南一两个月。三把手在位的时候，还勉强说得通。都离任了，还是三把手，说的太勉强。既然不是梅克保，他就是周强。一个省委书记或者省长提拔过好多官员。习近平的派系的官员，湖南省的正局级副局级，每次提拔的时候，周强不是湖南省长，就是湖南省委书记。周强想说不是习近平的人都说不过去。
我们看湖南省长基本都是习近平派系的。从熊清泉开始。熊清泉是湖南教父。陈邦柱我不知道可能不是习近平的。杨正午是江泽民派系的。往后这9个湖南省长，可能都是习近平派系的。储波张云川我不太确定，周伯华大概率是习近平派系的。周强，徐守盛，杜家毫，许达哲，毛伟明全都是习近平派系。所以湖南才是习近平派系的大本营。
没有本土地方势力
我们看网上一篇文章《湖南官场微妙:本土地方势力较劲中央》。标题就是槽点满满，我说了没有本土地方势力。就算一个官员一直湖南，只要当上省长省委书记，那他也是认识总书记或者总理。本土势力，地方势力都是想象出来。啥都不懂。本土势力也得认识总书记。
2006年中共打破常规，一改过去几十年一直由湖南省本地人当省委书记和省长的传统惯例，中共在原湖南省委书记杨正午（湖南湘西人）退休后，立刻空降了交通部长张春贤到湖南当省委书记，接着又把当时的湖南省长周伯华（湖南株洲人）调到北京当国家工商行政管理总局局长，中共又马上调团中央书记周强到湖南当省长。这样一来，中共一下把湖南本土地方政治势力向上发展的势头和路子给堵死了。
周伯华是株洲人，株洲是耿飙的老家，习近平是耿飙的秘书。株洲这些官员应该都是习近平派系的。
说句心里话，作为在省委办公厅工作了十几年的老湖南人，张春贤、周强应该是湖南从毛泽东建立政权以来最开明的省领导了。这人还说自己是湖南省委办公厅工作，老湖南人。这连周强，梅克保的派系都不知道，还老湖南人呢。倚老卖老，其实是啥都不懂。
一个代表本土势力的领袖人物出现了：湖南省委副书记梅克保。2006年张春贤到湖南上任后，召开省委常委会议时，梅克保经常不“尿”张春贤，借故不参加省委常委会议。省长周强根本不是梅克保的同一个重量级的对手。张春贤和梅克保不是一个派系的。所以他说梅克保借故不参加省委常委会议，可能靠谱。但是周强和梅克保是一个派系的。
他们安排张春贤接替杨正午，两个人都是江派的。周强接替周伯华，两个人都是习近平派系。这个作者就没看懂，还打压本土势力呢。
毛致用、熊清泉、杨正午，这三个老家伙都支持梅克保。省委办公厅曾经有个玩笑说，在这三个老家伙当书记期间，湖南省哪个人如果能够踏进他们家门里面，你要在湖南本地当任何一个官职都行。事实也确实如此。这三个老家伙退休后，一直在省委大院保留办公室，名为学习，实为监政，监督后来者，搞得后来的省委书记都在这三个老家伙面前缩手缩脚的。在开省人大和省政协的时候，张春贤书记还让熊清泉走在前面，必恭必敬地称呼：“熊爹爹，你慢点走！”这里面只有熊清泉是支持梅克保的，毛致用和杨正午都是江派的，和梅克保不是一个派系的，和张春贤是一个派系的。
梅克保在北京中央也还是有些政治后台的。比如2002年退休的原中纪委副书记、监察部长曹庆泽，此人也常德人，是梅克保的老乡，是梅克保在政治上不断升的保护人之一。这就是完全扯淡了，曹庆泽2002年退休，梅克保2006年升任湖南省委副书记。
梅克保的后台是吴邦国和贾庆林
梅克保的后台是吴邦国和贾庆林。弄一个曹庆泽正部级能当省委副书记的后台这不是搞笑吗？正部级就是一个小马仔，省委副书记下一步就是正部级了。所以这个人号称在湖南省委办公厅，假的吧，对政治常识一无所知。1992年7月，35岁的梅克保任中共长沙市委常委、浏阳县委书记，浏阳县撤县建市后，梅克保成为该市首任党委书记。当时的湖南省委书记是熊清泉（1988年5月 – 1993年9月）。
许达哲的大秘是杨光荣，杨光荣是梅克保提拔的，梅克保是熊清泉提拔的。熊清泉是湖南文革之后，习近平这个派系的第一任省委书记。毛致用，熊清泉，杨正午的确是湖南官场的教父，但是毛致用和杨正午都是江泽民派系的。只有熊清泉是习近平派系的。
熊清泉才是习近平派系在湖南官场的教父。我们要把熊清泉搞清楚。熊清泉是朱镕基的中学同学。但是朱镕基1980年代还是一个小马仔，提拔不了熊清泉。熊清泉是谁提拔的，那肯定陈云提拔的，陈云才是中国这个范围习近平派系的教父。但是问题是熊清泉怎么认识陈云的。
1956年4月，29岁的熊清泉任湖南省委组织部办公室主任。湖南组织部部长是纪照青 （1956年2月 – 1960年10月)。1943年10月10日，运东地委部署夏津武装斗争。夏津县委书记纪照青等人参加的会议。1943年11月，中共中央冀鲁豫分局成立。为加强冀鲁豫、冀南两区的统一领导，中共中央决定成立冀鲁豫分局，任命黄敬为书记，宋任穷为组织部长。
1943年10月10日，运东地委部署夏津武装斗争。夏津县委书记纪照青等人参加的会议。1943年11月，中共中央冀鲁豫分局成立。为加强冀鲁豫、冀南两区的统一领导，中共中央决定成立冀鲁豫分局，任命黄敬为书记，宋任穷为组织部长。
也就是说熊清泉是湖南组织部长纪照青的大秘，纪照青是宋任穷的下属。
1982年熊清泉在中共十二大上提拔中央候补委员的时候，当时的中组部长是宋任穷。宋任穷担任过许达哲所在的第七机械工业部的部长，后来改名叫做航天工业部。这就是逻辑闭环了。从湖南省找回到了许达哲所在航天工业部。
而且许达哲和宋任穷是湖南省长沙市浏阳市一个县级市的老乡。宋任穷和陈云共用一个老婆钟月林。陈云是教父啊。习近平所有人，都是陈云提拔的。
习仲勋在哪里呢？根据阎淮：进出中组部。1984年2⽉1日春节前，三个“第三梯队考察组”回到中组部。我们为这79位后备干部，每⼈写了500字的、描述其特点的⼩传，送邓小平、陈云、胡耀邦、赵紫阳四常委和主管⼈事的习仲勋、宋任穷两政治局委员。
习仲勋就相当于中组部长或者主管中组部的中央书记处书记。许达哲认识习仲勋，习近平才提拔的。许达哲在湖南提拔的官员，原来不是熊清泉提拔的，就是梅克保提拔的。好的，谢谢大家。
英文翻译
Is Xu Dazhe Xi Zhongxun’s illegitimate son? Why did Xi Jinping promote Xu Dazhe? Who promoted Xiong Qingquan, the godfather of Hunan’s officialdom?
Hello, let’s take a look at Xu Dazhe. In April 2013, 57-year-old Xu Dazhe replaced Ma Xingrui as chairman and party secretary of China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation. 57 years old is almost retirement for most people. Even if a ministerial-level official retires at the age of 65, that’s only 8 years. In August 2016, nearly 60-year-old Xu Dazhe was appointed deputy secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee. On September 5, he was appointed deputy governor and acting governor of the Hunan Provincial People’s Government. The first question is why did Xu Dazhe go to Hunan? Like Zhang Hongwen, secretary of the Hefei Municipal Party Committee, Zhang Hongwen used to work in a military enterprise. Why did he go to Anhui? There are reasons for both. Zhang Hongwen went to Anhui because Zhang Hongwen’s master Cao Jianguo was from Tongling City, Anhui Province, so Zhang Hongwen went to Anhui.
The same is true for Xu Dazhe. In December 1984, after graduating from graduate school, Xu Dazhe was assigned to work at the First Research Institute of the Ministry of Aerospace Industry as a designer in the 9th Office of the 15th Institute. Xu Dazhe worked in the Ministry of Aerospace Industry for 30 years. He worked in the Ministry of Aerospace Industry for almost his entire life. It’s just that this department has changed its name and vest several times. The Ministry of Aerospace Industry was previously called the Fifth Research Institute of the Ministry of National Defense and the Seventh Ministry of Machinery Industry. Later it was renamed the China Aerospace Corporation and the China Aerospace Industry Group. The soup has changed but the medicine has not changed. Xu Dazhe is nominally from Hunan, but he actually grew up in Jiangxi. Xu Dazhe, the so-called Hunanese, has never lived in Hunan Province. Xu Dazhe’s parents are Hunanese.
Before Xu Dazhe went to Hunan, he was already the vice minister of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology. Suppose Xu Dazhe told Xi Jinping that he wanted to go to his hometown in Hunan to build his hometown. Is there such a possibility? This possibility is very small. It is the boss who assigns jobs to employees, not where the employees want to go. Xu Dazhe does have a Hunan native place, but Xu Dazhe went to Hunan because his boss has a strong influence in Hunan. Hunan is the territory that Xi Jinping’s faction has long occupied. Hunan is the province where Xi Jinping has the strongest influence, and Fujian and Zhejiang are ranked behind.
We started from Xu Dazhe’s chief secretary when he was the governor of Hunan. Who promoted Xu Dazhe’s chief secretary before Xu Dazhe went to Hunan? After digging around, we found that he was from the Aerospace Science and Technology Group, which is the Ministry of Aerospace Industry. We found Xu Dazhe’s old nest again. This person used to be the Minister of Organization of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, and he had a very close relationship with Xi Zhongxun. So it is not an exaggeration to say that Xu Dazhe is Xi Zhongxun’s godson, or even his illegitimate son. It is such a close relationship. Let’s take a closer look.
In August 2016, Xu Dazhe, who was nearly 60 years old, was appointed as the deputy secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee. On September 5, he was appointed as the deputy governor and acting governor of the Hunan Provincial People’s Government. On December 5, he was officially appointed as the governor of Hunan Province. During this period, Xu Dazhe’s chief secretary was Xiang Lili (May 2015-November 2016), who was dismissed on May 17, 2019. Although Xu Dazhe replaced Xiang Lili two months after taking office, Xiang Lili had been promoted to vice governor. Xiang Lili was appointed Secretary-General of the Hunan Provincial Government by former Hunan Governor Du Jiahao (April 2013-September 2016). Yang Guangrong (November 2016-March 2017) served as chief secretary for four months. Wang Qun (March 2017-July 2021) served as chief secretary for three years and eight months. Mao Weiming (November 2020-) replaced Wang Qun nine months after he became governor of Hunan, but the factor of Xu Dazhe’s continued service as Secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee must be taken into consideration. Wang Qun was dismissed on April 2, 2023.
Simply put, when Xu Dazhe was the governor of Hunan Province, he used three top secretaries and three secretaries general of the Hunan Provincial Government. Xiang Lili, Yang Guangrong, and Wang Qun. Two of them have been arrested, Xiang Lili and Wang Qun. Only Yang Guangrong has not been arrested. In theory, Yang Guangrong should also be arrested. Why keep him? Yang Guangrong’s boss Xu Dazhe was arrested, and Yang Guangrong’s two colleagues, the former and the latter two secretaries general of the Hunan Provincial Government. Three of the Gang of Four were arrested, and the remaining one could not be clean. Xu Dazhe, Xiang Lili, and Wang Qun were all corrupt. It would be against common sense for Yang Guangrong not to embezzle or be corrupt. I don’t know why Yang Guangrong was not arrested.
September 1982 – June 1986, 19-year-old Yang Guangrong studied finance at the Finance Department of Hunan University of Finance and Economics.
June 1986 – August 1989, 23-year-old Yang Guangrong studied for a master’s degree in finance at the Finance Department of Southwestern University of Finance and Economics.
Yang Guangrong is an alumnus of Jiang Chaoliang, who studied at Hunan University of Finance and Economics from 1978 to 1981. The two did not intersect in time, with a year gap between them. However, in 1980, Hunan University of Finance and Economics was directly led by the People’s Bank of China and became an important talent base of the central bank. So Jiang Chaoliang and Yang Guangrong are still related. This means that both Yang Guangrong and Jiang Chaoliang graduated from the central bank training school.
From May 2002 to December 2003, 39-year-old Yang Guangrong served as secretary of the CPC Changsha Tianxin District Committee. The then secretary of the Changsha Municipal Committee was Mei Kebao (August 2001 to November 2006), and the mayor of Changsha was Tan Zhongchi (October 1999 to November 2007). From November 2008 to March 2013, 45-year-old Yang Guangrong served as director and party group secretary of the Hunan Provincial Tourism Bureau. The then Secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee was Zhang Chunxian (December 2005 – April 2010), and the Governor of Hunan was Zhou Qiang (September 2006 – June 2010). The Deputy Secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee was Mei Kebao (November 2006 – February 2013). Yang Guangrong’s Director of the Hunan Provincial Tourism Bureau was Zhou Qiang, not promoted by Mei Kebao.
From March 2013 to December 2016, 50-year-old Yang Guangrong served as Secretary of the Zhangjiajie Municipal Party Committee of Hunan Province. The then Secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee was Zhou Qiang (April 2010 – March 2013), Xu Shousheng (March 2013 – August 2016), and the Governor of Hunan was Xu Shousheng (June 2010 – April 2013).
Yang Guangrong’s Secretary of the Zhangjiajie Municipal Party Committee was also promoted by Zhou Qiang. Because Mei Kebao went to the State Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine just one month before Yang Guangrong promoted Zhangjiajie Municipal Party Committee Secretary. In fact, Mei Kebao went there in January. I don’t know whether it was at the end of January or in February that the deputy secretary of Hunan was removed. If you insist that Yang Guangrong promoted Zhangjiajie Municipal Party Committee Secretary before Mei Kebao left, it can barely make sense if there is a difference of two months. But it is obvious that Zhou Qiang promoted him before he left, which is more reliable. Although Xu Shousheng was also from Xi Jinping’s faction later.
Zhou Qiang is Xi Jinping’s man
Although they are from the same faction, their relationship can also be figured out. Many people do not believe that Zhou Qiang is Xi Jinping’s man. Here is a piece of evidence. There are 14 prefecture-level cities in Hunan Province, and the secretary of Zhangjiajie Municipal Party Committee is the top leader of the prefecture-level city. It is common sense that the deputy secretary of the provincial party committee has less power than the secretary of the provincial party committee. Of course, the third in command has less power than the top leader.
It is definitely more reasonable to say that the top leader. Mei Kebao has been away from Hunan for a month or two. When the third in command was in office, it was barely reasonable. He has left office, but he is still the third in command. It is a stretch to say so. If it is not Mei Kebao, he must be Zhou Qiang. A provincial party secretary or governor has promoted many officials. Officials from Xi Jinping’s faction, such as the director-level and deputy director-level officials in Hunan Province, Zhou Qiang is either the governor of Hunan or the secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee. Zhou Qiang wants to say that it is not justified if he is not Xi Jinping.
We can see that the governors of Hunan are basically from Xi Jinping’s faction. Starting from Xiong Qingquan. Xiong Qingquan is the godfather of Hunan. I don’t know if Chen Bangzhu is from Xi Jinping. Yang Zhengwu is from Jiang Zemin’s faction. The next nine governors of Hunan may all be from Xi Jinping’s faction. I am not sure about Chu Bo and Zhang Yunchuan, but Zhou Bohua is most likely from Xi Jinping’s faction. Zhou Qiang, Xu Shousheng, Du Jiahao, Xu Dazhe, and Mao Weiming are all from Xi Jinping’s faction. So Hunan is the base camp of Xi Jinping’s faction.
There is no local power
Let’s look at an article online, “The subtleties of Hunan’s officialdom: local power competes with the central government.” The title is full of complaints. I said there is no local power. Even if an official has been in Hunan, as long as he becomes the governor and the provincial party secretary, he knows the general secretary or the prime minister. Local power and local power are all imagined. They don’t know anything. Local power also has to know the general secretary.
In 2006, the CCP broke the convention and changed the traditional practice of Hunan locals being the provincial party secretary and governor for the past few decades. After the former Hunan Provincial Party Secretary Yang Zhengwu (from Xiangxi, Hunan) retired, the CCP immediately parachuted in the Minister of Transportation Zhang Chunxian to Hunan as the provincial party secretary, and then transferred the then Hunan Governor Zhou Bohua (from Zhuzhou, Hunan) to Beijing as the director of the State Administration for Industry and Commerce. The CCP immediately transferred the secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League Zhou Qiang to Hunan as the governor. In this way, the CCP blocked the momentum and path of the upward development of Hunan’s local political forces.
Zhou Bohua is from Zhuzhou, Zhuzhou is Geng Biao’s hometown, and Xi Jinping is Geng Biao’s secretary. These officials in Zhuzhou should all be from Xi Jinping’s faction.
To be honest, as old Hunanese who have worked in the General Office of the Provincial Party Committee for more than ten years, Zhang Chunxian and Zhou Qiang should be the most open-minded provincial leaders in Hunan since Mao Zedong established the regime. This person also said that he worked in the General Office of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee and was an old Hunanese. He didn’t even know the factions of Zhou Qiang and Mei Kebao, and he is still an old Hunanese. He relied on his seniority and actually knew nothing.
A leader representing local forces emerged: Mei Kebao, deputy secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee. After Zhang Chunxian took office in Hunan in 2006, when the Provincial Party Committee Standing Committee meetings were held, Mei Kebao often didn’t “pee” Zhang Chunxian and used excuses not to attend the Provincial Party Committee Standing Committee meetings. Governor Zhou Qiang is not a heavyweight opponent of Mei Kebao at all. Zhang Chunxian and Mei Kebao are not from the same faction. So he said that Mei Kebao used excuses not to attend the Provincial Party Committee Standing Committee meetings, which may be reliable. But Zhou Qiang and Mei Kebao are from the same faction.
They arranged Zhang Chunxian to replace Yang Zhengwu, both of whom are from the Jiang faction. Zhou Qiang replaced Zhou Bohua, both of whom are from the Xi Jinping faction. The author didn’t understand this and suppressed local forces.
Mao Zhiyong, Xiong Qingquan, and Yang Zhengwu, these three old guys all supported Mei Kebao. The provincial party committee office once had a joke that if anyone in Hunan Province could step into their house during the time when these three old guys were secretaries, you could hold any official position in Hunan. This is indeed the case. After retiring, these three old guys have kept offices in the provincial party committee compound, in the name of learning, but in fact to supervise the government and supervise the newcomers, making the later provincial party secretaries shrink in front of these three old guys. When the provincial people’s congress and the provincial political consultative conference were held, Secretary Zhang Chunxian asked Xiong Qingquan to walk in front and respectfully called him: “Daddy Xiong, please walk slowly!” Among them, only Xiong Qingquan supported Mei Kebao. Mao Zhiyong and Yang Zhengwu were both Jiang’s faction, not from the same faction as Mei Kebao, but from the same faction as Zhang Chunxian.
Mei Kebao still has some political backers in the Beijing central government. For example, Cao Qingze, the former deputy secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and Minister of Supervision, who retired in 2002, is also from Changde, a fellow villager of Mei Kebao, and one of Mei Kebao’s protectors who continued to rise in politics. This is completely nonsense. Cao Qingze retired in 2002, and Mei Kebao was promoted to deputy secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee in 2006.
Mei Kebao’s backers are Wu Bangguo and Jia Qinglin
Mei Kebao’s backers are Wu Bangguo and Jia Qinglin. Isn’t it funny to have a backer who can make Cao Qingze a ministerial-level official to be the deputy secretary of the provincial party committee? Ministerial-level is a small pony, and the next step for the deputy secretary of the provincial party committee is ministerial-level. So this person claims to be in the General Office of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee, which is fake, and he knows nothing about political common sense. In July 1992, the 35-year-old Mei Kebao was appointed as a member of the Standing Committee of the CPC Changsha Municipal Committee and Secretary of the Liuyang County Party Committee. After Liuyang County was abolished as a county and established as a city, Mei Kebao became the first party secretary of the city. The Secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee at that time was Xiong Qingquan (May 1988 – September 1993).
Xu Dazhe’s chief secretary was Yang Guangrong, who was promoted by Mei Kebao, who was promoted by Xiong Qingquan. Xiong Qingquan was the first secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee of Xi Jinping’s faction after the Cultural Revolution. Mao Zhiyong, Xiong Qingquan, and Yang Zhengwu were indeed the godfathers of the Hunan officialdom, but Mao Zhiyong and Yang Zhengwu were both from Jiang Zemin’s faction. Only Xiong Qingquan was from Xi Jinping’s faction.
Xiong Qingquan was the godfather of Xi Jinping’s faction in the Hunan officialdom. We need to clarify Xiong Qingquan. Xiong Qingquan was Zhu Rongji’s middle school classmate. But Zhu Rongji was still a small fry in the 1980s and could not promote Xiong Qingquan. Who promoted Xiong Qingquan? It must have been Chen Yun, who was the godfather of Xi Jinping’s faction in China. But the question is how did Xiong Qingquan know Chen Yun?
In April 1956, 29-year-old Xiong Qingquan was appointed director of the office of the Organization Department of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee. The head of the Hunan Organization Department was Ji Zhaoqing (February 1956 – October 1960). On October 10, 1943, the Yundong Prefectural Committee deployed the armed struggle in Xiajin. The meeting attended by Ji Zhaoqing, secretary of the Xiajin County Party Committee, and others. In November 1943, the Hebei-Shandong-Henan Branch of the CPC Central Committee was established. In order to strengthen the unified leadership of the two regions of Hebei, Shandong, Henan, and Hebei South, the CPC Central Committee decided to establish the Hebei-Shandong-Henan Branch, appointing Huang Jing as secretary and Song Renqiong as organization minister.
On October 10, 1943, the Yundong Prefectural Committee deployed the armed struggle in Xiajin. The meeting attended by Ji Zhaoqing, secretary of the Xiajin County Party Committee, and others. In November 1943, the Hebei-Shandong-Henan Branch of the CPC Central Committee was established. In order to strengthen the unified leadership of the two regions of Hebei, Shandong, Henan, and Hebei South, the CPC Central Committee decided to establish the Hebei-Shandong-Henan Branch, appointing Huang Jing as secretary and Song Renqiong as organization minister.
That is to say, Xiong Qingquan was the chief secretary of Ji Zhaoqing, the head of the Hunan Organization Department, and Ji Zhaoqing was a subordinate of Song Renqiong.
When Xiong Qingquan promoted alternate members of the Central Committee at the 12th CPC National Congress in 1982, Song Renqiong was the head of the Organization Department at that time. Song Renqiong served as the head of the Seventh Machinery Industry Ministry where Xu Dazhe worked, and later changed its name to the Ministry of Aerospace Industry. This is the logical loop. From Hunan Province, we found the Ministry of Aerospace Industry where Xu Dazhe worked.
Moreover, Xu Dazhe and Song Renqiong were fellow villagers from a county-level city in Liuyang City, Changsha City, Hunan Province. Song Renqiong and Chen Yun shared a wife, Zhong Yuelin. Chen Yun was the godfather. All of Xi Jinping’s people were promoted by Chen Yun.
Where is Xi Zhongxun? According to Yan Huai: In and out of the Organization Department. Before the Spring Festival on February 1, 1984, the three “third echelon inspection teams” returned to the Organization Department. We wrote a 500-word biography describing the characteristics of each of the 79 reserve cadres and sent it to the four Standing Committee members Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun, Hu Yaobang, and Zhao Ziyang, and the two Politburo members Xi Zhongxun and Song Renqiong who were in charge of personnel.
Xi Zhongxun was equivalent to the head of the Organization Department or the secretary of the Central Secretariat in charge of the Organization Department. Xu Dazhe knew Xi Zhongxun, so Xi Jinping promoted him. The officials promoted by Xu Dazhe in Hunan were originally promoted by either Xiong Qingquan or Mei Kebao. Okay, thank you everyone.