陕西千亿矿权案的人物关系,周强,赵正永,魏民洲,娄勤俭,徐令义。崔永元是个大英雄。

大家好,
今天我给大家讲一下,陕西千亿矿权案的人物关系。
因为有位网友问我,他向中央生态环境保护督察组投诉,感觉督查组明显在包庇当地官员。

广州砍树被整的市委书记跟市长,跟陕西秦岭建设别墅被搞的省委书记,两件关于生态环境保护,是不是也涉及内斗
我之前已经做了一期节目讲了
广州市委书记和市长张硕辅和温国辉下台是因为张高丽彭帅事件,和砍榕树没有关系

陕西秦岭别墅案,也是内斗
和生态环境保护一毛钱关系也没有

我给大家讲一下,
周强,赵正永,魏民洲,娄勤俭,徐令义
这五个人派系背景

首先是周强
周强是习近平的人,有人误认为周强是团派的
因为周强前面的共青团书记李克强和后面的胡春华都是团派
或者准确的说法,应该是邓小平派系的
毛泽东之后,中国只有两个派系,邓小平派系和陈云派系
其他派系都是依附于这两个派系,邓小平派系和团派是一个派系

我们看一下历任的共青团第一书记
王兆国、胡锦涛、宋德福、李克强
这些人是团派的,周强就不是了
后面胡春华还是团派,
再后面陆昊,秦宜智,贺军科
都不是团派

为什么不是呢,分析方法是什么?

要看

正处级或者副局级时候的上级是谁

或者正局级,越往上越不准确。

这个道理很简单
就是坚信常识

我们看一下,中国省长的平均年龄是60岁
可能刚刚上任省长的平均年龄是58岁

就说一个人60岁,什么东西都定型了
怎么可能换派系
60岁改换派系,不就是临时抱佛脚吗?

常识:60岁的人和30岁的人,哪个能当小弟?

赵乐际2007年到陕西担任省委书记的时候都50岁了,
此时赵正永都已经到陕西6年了,赵正永都已经是陕西常务副省长了
当时赵正永都已经56岁了,56岁还怎么去当别人的小弟啊?
当小弟是30岁到35岁左右,正处级,副局级的时候给别人当小弟
赵正永都56岁了,怎么给赵乐际当小弟啊?
再说了,省委书记也没有权力提拔省长啊
我之前说了,只有总书记或者总理才有权力提拔正部级
只有总书记或总理才能提拔省委书记,省长。

后来再继续讲赵正永吧

先说周强

周强是肖扬的秘书,肖扬和习仲勋有直接联系的

1980年7月,习仲勋支持了一下清远经验

虽然肖扬1981年才担任清远地委副书记
但是1980年7月12日,习仲勋去了韶关钢铁厂
1980年7月14日,习仲勋去了韶关市仁化县
当时,肖扬应该是韶关市武江区区委书记
第二年习仲勋去中央担任人大副委员长
但是,习仲勋搞清远经验的时候
确实去了韶关市
韶关和清远都是粤北地区

所以
肖扬是和习仲勋有直接交集的,上下级关系
周强是肖扬的秘书

周强是习近平的人

那么李克强呢
李克强不像周强那样是外面空降到共青团的
李克强是共青团成长起来的干部
而且李克强把提拔的时候,正是胡锦涛在团中央任职

那么胡春华是西藏干部
也是空降到共青团,
为什么是团派呢

1987年,胡春华任共青团西藏自治区委副书记。当时的西藏书记是伍精华,阴法唐1985年6月被胡耀邦撤职,另派伍精华任西藏区党委书记。
后来1990年2月,胡春华从正处级升为副厅级。1992年3月,胡春华到西藏林芝地区行政公署任副专员(相当于副市长)。1992年12月,他又回到共青团西藏自治区委,并升任书记。这几步都是当时的西藏书记胡锦涛提拔的

所以,压根就

没有什么团派,只有胡耀邦派,胡锦涛派

胡春华是胡耀邦的人,胡锦涛的人。他们都是邓小平派系的啊

胡春华是胡耀邦的人,胡锦涛的人(赵紫阳和胡耀邦还能细分,这里不展开,先笼统的算作一派

所以他才去共青团当书记

给大家捋一下

共青团的历任书记王兆国,胡锦涛,宋德福,李克强

这四位呢,都是团派的,应该是没错啊

没有太细的深入啊
到了周强这一任呢

周强是肖扬的秘书,肖扬和习仲勋有直接的交集

周强任共青团书记时,李鹏和朱镕基是政治局常委,就是这两个老东西提拔的周强嘛。

到陆昊这里呢,陆昊就是朱镕基提拔的。陆昊当时在北京清河,把那个纺织厂啊,具体是什么厂子都给卖光了。然后朱镕基高兴啊,把他提拔了。朱镕基其实是陈云习近平这个派系的。

那秦宜智呢?秦宜智在攀钢的时候是四川的省长张中伟提拔的。张中伟没细看啊,应该是李鹏的人。因为张中伟刚刚当任省长,还是代省长的时候,还没还没扶正的时候,李鹏就迫不及待的去挺这个张忠伟啊。应该就是李鹏的人吧,李鹏也是陈云的人

贺军科呢,这贺军科就是正经的军工系,军工系就是彭丽媛的人嘛。

继续说这个赵正永的背景啊

赵正永是姚依林马仔卢荣景提拔的

1983年5月,赵正永任中共马鞍山市委常委、共青团马鞍山市委书记。此时,卢荣景是安徽省委组织部长(1983年3月至1984年12月)。
卢荣景1988年2月至1998年8月,担任安徽省委书记长达10年。卢荣景担任安徽省委书记之前,除了半年担任安徽省长短暂过度了一下。1980年1月至1987年6月,卢荣景历任安徽组织部副部长、部长,安徽省副书记,等于7年的时间里掌握安徽的人事大权。那后来当省委书记呢,更是掌握人事大权。卢荣景被提拔为省委书记这个时间,1988年不就是陈云掌权的时间吗。是这么一个关系

1989年11月10日,安徽省经委主任徐卿在贵池市委书记姜宗良等陪同下考察贵池钢厂,研究解决生产经营中存在的困难和问题。这句话里面的关键词太多,首先是提拔赵正永的原马鞍山市委书记徐卿,后来升任安徽省经委主任,而朱镕基1983年5月至1987年12月担任中国国家经贸委副主任,这个徐卿作为安徽省经委主任,毫无疑问和朱镕基属于垂直的业务指导关系。虽然,由于年代久远,网上已经没有徐卿的完整简历。从已知的信息来看,徐卿1988年3月从马鞍山市离任,应该就是担任安徽经委主任,也就是说1988年3月至1989年11月10日,徐卿担任安徽省经委主任,之后继续担任到什么时间退休,目前还没有查到信息。1987年12月,朱镕基从国家经贸委副主任调到上海工作,而徐卿3个月后,1988年3月,才升任安徽省经委主任。貌似完美的错开,没有交集。1988年4月第七届全国人大第一次会议决定不再设国家经济委员会,并入国家计委。1993年3月重新设立国家经济委员会。 虽然中国撤销了经委,但是在安徽省级的层面,并没有撤销,因此安徽省经委的上级无疑就是国家计委。这时期的国家计委主任由姚依林兼任(1987年6月23日-1989年12月26日)。姚依林偏偏正是安徽贵池人。

所以,在马鞍山市,赵正永是徐卿提拔的。徐卿和姚依林是安徽贵池老乡,又是徐卿的业务上级。

在马鞍山有一个特殊的群体叫“贵钢子弟”——他们都是一群在80年代末追随他们的父辈接收上海在贵池建设的小三线企业“八五钢厂”而形成的一个特殊群体。他们的年纪基本在40到50岁之间。1988年,一群被生活重压下的马钢的中年男人们(他们基本是半边户,即自己在马钢工作,而老婆孩子在农村),突然得到一个振奋人心的消息:支援大山里的贵池钢厂,可以带老婆孩子去,最重要的是解决孩子们的农村户口,解决工作。于是,来自皖南山区、来自皖北平原、来自皖西、来自川府之国的农家子弟纷纷随着他们的父辈来到贵池钢厂。开始了他们人生转折点。在这里度过了他们幸福的少年时代。因为各种原因,贵池钢厂停办,那些支援贵池钢厂的马钢人,又回到了马鞍山。

我给大家弄一张地图,这地图一看就看明白了。这个梅街镇就是池州市贵池区的贵池钢厂,就是姚依林的老家。这个铜陵是卢荣景文革之前就一直在铜陵铜矿工作。这个是赵正永工作的马鞍山。一地图肯定就一下看明白,说明白他们这几个人的关系。就是卢荣景提拔的赵正永卢荣景一直就是在铜陵市铜矿起家的。铜陵市铜矿距离贵池钢厂,姚依林老家,赵正永徐卿当秘书的地方贵池钢厂50公里,很近。

卢荣景长期在安徽掌权提拔了很多人

包括汪洋,副总理和政协主席,赵正永卢荣景还提拔了一个什么人,他还提拔了一个人叫乔传秀,应该是个女性。乔传秀呢,就是陈一新上级。陈一新当时不是给习近平当秘书的,他是给乔传秀当的秘书。所以说根本就没有什么之江新军。之前我上面我说没有团派,只有邓小平派系。习近平他也没有之江新军,之江新军浙江那些人你看看他们背景,全是陈云的人。陈云是上海青浦县人,他把上海都划成自己了之后,自己的势力范围,把手又伸到浙江了。浙江那些人都是陈云提拔的。

我们再接着说一下,这个汪洋既然是卢荣景提拔的,那他是不是就是陈云派系的呢,这个貌似还真的不是

首先不清楚卢荣景,虽然他在安徽掌权那么久,安徽还有没有其他的,邓小平派系的。比如那些副书记副省长,有没有其他省长是邓小平派系的。就说这个回良玉吧,回良玉你看这张照片上,他是跟卢荣景,左边的是卢荣景,右边是回良玉,看上去他们很融洽。但是据说,回良玉在安徽一直跟卢荣景对着干。那为什么呢?就是因为他们两个人不是一个派系的。回良玉是张德江提拔的,张德江也是邓小平派系的。张德江是邓小平胡耀邦亲点的,应该是张德江提拔的回良玉吧。等于是卢荣景是陈云派系的,回良玉是邓小平派系的。那两个人当然对着干。据说汪洋虽然是卢荣景提拔的,但是后来效忠于回良玉,变成了邓小平派系的。因为六四之后,到邓小平九十南巡这期间,敢于公开支持改革的,那肯定是邓小平派系的。当时有两个人公开支持改革,在1989年到1992年之间,陈云掌权的时候,公开支持邓小平的改革,一个就是汪洋,还有一个就是贺国强。

魏民洲是习近平爸爸习仲勋马仔马文瑞的秘书浦长城提拔的

周强是习近平的人,赵正永是习近平的人,那么魏民洲呢?魏民洲他还是习近平的人。之前我给大家讲,共青团书记他都分成两派,一派是胡锦涛李克强胡春华,他们是一派的。周强,陆昊,秦宜智,贺军科,他们都是习近平这一派。共青团都分成两派,那魏民洲他在陕西共青团,没有理由跟共青团中央有什么关系。就算有什么关系,共青团中央本身也分成两派。魏民洲在陕西共青团的时候,他的上级叫做蒲长城蒲长城呢,后来他去了质检总局,质检总局后来是朱镕基大弟子王岐山的势力范围。但是蒲长城去的时候,正是朱镕基在台上的时候。当时这个质检总局肯定也是在朱镕基的势力范围,后来才会交给大弟子王岐山的。蒲长城李强还有一点点交集,那李强的背景也比较复杂,这里我就不展开讲了。蒲长城最早在陕西省委办公厅工作,也就是蒲长城要么是当时省委书记秘书,要么是副书记的秘书。当时的陕西省委第一书记叫做马文瑞,也就是马文瑞担任陕西第一书记的时候,蒲长城是当时办公厅的秘书。马文瑞毛泽东认定的习仲勋的人。在中共八届十中全会上,马文瑞被确定为习仲勋贾拓夫刘景范反党集团的成员。马文瑞习仲勋反党集团的成员。文革之后,马文瑞担任陕西第一书记,蒲长城是当时的秘书。蒲长城提拔了魏民洲。所以魏民洲跟团派也是一毛钱关系也没有。本来就没有团派,魏民洲跟胡锦涛那个共青团那帮人一毛钱关系也没有。魏民洲就是习近平的人,他就是习近平的老豆习仲勋的人。

娄勤俭,胡启立,王昊

现在我们已经知道,周强是习近平的人,赵正永是习近平的人,魏民洲还是习近平的人,那么娄勤俭呢,娄勤俭他应该也是习近平的人。为什么这么说呢?娄勤俭确实难度比较大。因为最早娄勤俭应该是怎么说他都应该是胡启立的人。所以等于如果是娄勤俭是习近平的人,等于是不是胡启立也是叛变了呢?只能说胡启立叛变的嫌疑是很大的。我们看一下政治局常委的名单就能看出来。1987年的时候,赵紫阳和胡启立是常委。六四之后呢,1989年6月24号,赵紫阳和胡启立下台,江泽民、宋平当上了常委,还有李瑞环。宋平肯定是陈云的人没问题,江泽民上海的也是陈云的势力范围,他应该也是陈云的人。李瑞环应该是邓小平派系的吧。到了1992年的时候,邓小平是2月份南巡。实际就等于1989年之后,邓小平就跟当初刘少奇开七千人大会把毛泽东赶下台一样,8964的时候,邓小平被陈云赶下了台。到了1992年,邓小平利用枪杆子,又把权给夺回来了。看这个名单就能明白了,陈云的姚依林和宋平下去了。上来的三个人是朱镕基,刘华清,胡锦涛。大家就以为朱镕基是邓小平的人,其实朱镕基很明显就是陈云的人。但是这个刘华清和胡锦涛都是邓小平的人。刘华清就是邓小平要拿枪来保证江泽民要把权交给胡锦涛这个人。大外宣说那什么杨家将,我觉得杨家将都是大外宣说的。这个故事情节都是在扯淡。杨尚昆和杨白冰下去是因为他们年纪大,换了一个年纪比他们小一些的刘华清上来保卫胡锦涛的。还有张震也是保卫胡锦涛的。所以前些日子张震的儿子出来给火箭军的副司令站台,肯定说明火箭军都是胡锦涛的人

我们看一下胡启立这个时间线,胡启立是1989年6月下台的,1992年2月邓小平南巡,10月胡锦涛和刘华清进了常委。但是胡启立偏偏在邓小平南巡之前半年多就复出了。到底是陈云让胡启立复出的,还是邓小平让胡启立复出的?这个就不好说了。据说当时胡启立是去找了万里,找了陈希同,想办法复出,还被日本的记者拍到。由于年代久远,我也没有去核实这个消息的来源,这个消息准不准。细节讲的倒是挺详细的,而且事实就是胡启立确实是在邓小平南巡之前,他就已经复出了。既然能复出,说明他确实那肯定是到处去托关系,他才能复出。是不是就是投靠了陈云呢?这个就没法说了,得问他自己。所以娄勤俭应该就是胡启立提拔的。娄勤俭后来在习近平掌权的时候。就这么说吧,胡启立到底有没有投靠习近平,这没法说。但是事实就是胡启立在邓小平南巡之前,他就已经复出了。咱们只掌握这么多事实,娄勤俭很可能是和胡启立有关系的。另外一个就是最近刚抓了的江苏政协副主席王昊,也应该就是娄勤俭的马仔。所以看网上有搜索提示说,为什么娄勤俭没事?赵正永被抓了,赵正永娄勤俭都不执行习近平的批示。赵正永被抓了,娄勤俭没事。娄勤俭没事也就算了,关键是今年两会娄勤俭还当上了发言人大出风头。李强作为一个总理都不准他发言,娄勤俭在发言。这啥意思?如果娄勤俭不是习近平的人,这不就是在打习近平的脸吗?这个例子能是一个小的证据吧,反证娄勤俭他就是习近平的人。

所以我们看,周强是习近平的人,赵正永是习近平的人,魏民洲是习近平的人,娄勤俭是习近平的人,那么徐令义呢?

徐令义就真的不是习近平的人

这逻辑就理顺了吧

这个徐令义为什么他不是习近平的人呢?之前说了,陈一新他不是习近平的秘书。他是省委副秘书长,这是常识啊,省委副秘书长,他有的时候是会陪同习近平,但是他有一个专职服务的人,她就是乔传秀。陈一新是乔传秀的秘书,而乔传秀是卢荣景提拔的,卢荣景是陈云的人。所以陈一新,因为习近平继承了陈云这一派的势力,所以陈云传给李鹏,李鹏传给朱镕基,朱镕基传给习近平,所以陈一新是习近平的人。同样的道理呢,徐令义在习近平去浙江之前,他已经担任了省委的宣传部的副部长,部长是陈敏尔都是张德江提拔的。现在陈敏尔没有进政治局常委,已经说明了习近平没有把陈敏尔当成自己人。徐令义也是一样的。徐令义他当时虽然在习近平担任省委书记期间,提拔为省委的副秘书长。徐令义服务的人应该是李金明吧,当时的副书记。李金明是河南的干部,当时提拔李金明的省长,应该是何竹康,省委书记杨析综。这两个人应该都是赵紫阳的人,河南是赵紫阳的老家嘛。

当时呢

河南省长何竹康和刘源的舅舅王光英合作

1985年7月12日,河南省长何竹康率领河南省对外经济技术合作代表团赴香港,举办河南省对外经济技术合作项目发布会。何竹康向海外新闻界、工商界、金融界、实业界等各方面人士,介绍了河南省的基本情况,投资环境及对外经济技术合作的优惠条件,并同各界人士探讨了进一步扩大合作的有关问题。

1985年7月20日,香港光大实业公司和河南省人民政府在香港签订合作协议书,光大实业公司董事长王光英和河南省长何竹康代表双方在协议上签字。协议以促进河南经济建设发展为目标,以互惠互利为原则,由河南省提供具体项目,由光大实业公司投资或组织外商投资。两年半之后,王光英的外甥刘源任河南副省长(1988年1月—1992年6月)。而李克强、李长春都曾经担任过河南省长,何竹康、刘源、李克强、李长春等人都是邓小平派系,因此刘源遭到了陈云派系的习近平的打压。

刘源是赵紫阳的派系的是邓小平派系的

所以习近平不提拔刘源嘛。所以说嘛,没有团派,只有邓小平派系。没有之江新军,只有陈云派系。也没有红二代,刘源是赵紫阳派系的,是胡耀邦那派的,邓小平那派的嘛。李克强他也是在河南当省长嘛,河南是赵紫阳的大本营嘛。所以刘源就被陈云派系的习近平打压。

徐令义后来去了文明委,担任专职的副主任
文明委就是胡锦涛最后被习近平攻破的几个堡垒之一了
我们看一下

胡锦涛最后被习近平攻破的堡垒

一个是吉林省,一个是文明委
当时的副主任是姜异康
这个姜异康啊,大外宣天天说,他是曾庆红的人吧
姜异康这个我是最喜欢这个的,找资料最喜欢这个,姜异康有铁证啊
姜异康是当初和胡锦涛一起给邓小平撒骨灰的人。当时除了邓家的人,只有两个外人,一个是胡锦涛,一个是姜异康给邓小平撒骨灰。
那你说姜异康是谁的人
你就不用找其他资料啊
姜异康是谁的人,姜异康是邓小平的人啊
大外宣这扯姜异康是曾庆红的人,也不好说呢
曾庆红可能也是邓小平的人啊
曾庆红从他的派系来看
也很可能是邓小平的人啊

再说这个火箭军

火箭军因为忠于胡锦涛和邓小平被一锅端了

为什么一锅端了?什么泄密也是扯淡
火箭军那个副司令吴国华,最后是张震的长子张小阳上门去给他背书的,没人敢上门吧
张震不就是当初和刘华清之前我们那个,之前的那个拿过来。当初九二南巡之后,邓小平南巡之后,把刘华清塞进了政治局常委。这很罕见啊,可能是唯一一次。我不知道是不是,应该也不不是唯一吧。当初林彪好像也是当兵的了,也有不少军人的进常委吧。在所谓的改革开放之后,这个是比较罕见的,军人进了常委。
刘华清的目的就是用枪来保卫胡锦涛的,当时还有一个人是张震。
刘华清和张震这两个人是邓小平派来用枪保卫胡锦涛的。
现在张震的长子出来背书吴国华,不就等于说火箭军他就是一直是忠于邓小平,一直是忠于胡锦涛的。火箭军历任的司令和政委都是火箭军内部出身的,跟装备发展部,原来的总装备部没有任何关系。可能有一些副司令,有可能是装备发展部出身的。是不是习近平在掺沙子。
整个火箭军总的来说,他应该就是忠于胡锦涛的,所以被一锅端了。

胡锦涛要查习近平

所以通过这五个人
陕西秦岭别墅和陕西千亿矿权案
基本就捋顺了
周强是习近平的人
赵正永是习近平的人
魏民洲是习近平的人
娄勤俭是习近平的人
去查他们四个的徐令义
是胡锦涛的人

等于胡锦涛要查习近平
这事就这么简单
那么最后再给大家解释一下
为什么习近平六次批示呢
大家就觉得好像习近平
一定要查这个案子
肯定不是这么回事
都是赵乐际
在给习近平上眼药

英文翻译

The relationship between the characters in the Shaanxi 100 billion mineral rights case, Zhou Qiang, Zhao Zhengyong, Wei Minzhou, Lou Qinjian, Xu Lingyi. Cui Yongyuan is a great hero.

Hello everyone,
Today I will tell you about the relationship between the characters in the Shaanxi 100 billion mineral rights case.
Because a netizen asked me that he complained to the Central Ecological and Environmental Protection Supervision Team and felt that the supervision team was obviously shielding local officials.

The party secretary and mayor of Guangzhou who were punished for cutting trees, and the provincial party secretary who was punished for building villas in Qinling, Shaanxi, are both related to ecological and environmental protection. Are they also involved in internal struggles?
I have already made a program to talk about it before.
The Guangzhou party secretary and mayor Zhang Shuofu and Wen Guohui stepped down because of the Zhang Gaoli and Peng Shuai incident, which had nothing to do with cutting banyan trees.

The Shaanxi Qinling villa case was also an internal struggle.
It has nothing to do with ecological and environmental protection.

Let me tell you about the factional backgrounds of Zhou Qiang, Zhao Zhengyong, Wei Minzhou, Lou Qinjian, and Xu Lingyi.

First of all, Zhou Qiang. Zhou Qiang is Xi Jinping’s man. Some people mistakenly think that Zhou Qiang is a member of the Youth League.
Because the Communist Youth League Secretary Li Keqiang before Zhou Qiang and Hu Chunhua after him are both from the Tuan faction
Or to be more precise, it should be from the Deng Xiaoping faction
After Mao Zedong, there were only two factions in China, the Deng Xiaoping faction and the Chen Yun faction
Other factions are attached to these two factions, and the Deng Xiaoping faction and the Tuan faction are one faction

Let’s look at the first secretaries of the Communist Youth League in the past
Wang Zhaoguo, Hu Jintao, Song Defu, Li Keqiang
These people are from the Tuan faction, but Zhou Qiang is not
The latter Hu Chunhua is still from the Tuan faction
The latter Lu Hao, Qin Yizhi, He Junke
are not from the Tuan faction

Why not, what is the analysis method?

It depends on

Who was the superior when he was at the level of director or deputy bureau
Or the level of bureau, the higher you go, the less accurate it is

The reason is very simple. It is to believe in common sense. Let’s take a look. The average age of Chinese governors is 60. The average age of governors is 58. When a person is 60, everything is set. How can he change factions? Changing factions at the age of 60 is just a last-minute effort. Zhao Leji was 50 years old when he came to Shaanxi as the provincial party secretary in 2007. Zhao Zhengyong had been in Shaanxi for 6 years at that time and was already the executive vice governor of Shaanxi. Zhao Zhengyong was 56 years old at that time. How could he be someone else’s younger brother at 56? Being a younger brother means being a younger brother to someone else at the age of 30 to 35, at the level of a director or deputy director. Zhao Zhengyong is 56 years old. How could he be a younger brother to Zhao Leji? Besides, the provincial party secretary has no power to promote the governor. As I said before, only the general secretary or the prime minister has the power to promote the ministerial level. Only the general secretary or the prime minister can promote the provincial party secretary and the governor. I will continue to talk about Zhao Zhengyong later

Let’s talk about Zhou Qiang first

Zhou Qiang was Xiao Yang’s secretary, and Xiao Yang had direct contact with Xi Zhongxun

In July 1980, Xi Zhongxun supported the Qingyuan experience

Although Xiao Yang was not appointed as the deputy secretary of the Qingyuan Prefectural Committee until 1981

But on July 12, 1980, Xi Zhongxun went to Shaoguan Iron and Steel Plant

On July 14, 1980, Xi Zhongxun went to Renhua County, Shaoguan City

At that time, Xiao Yang should have been the secretary of the Wujiang District Committee of Shaoguan City

The following year, Xi Zhongxun went to the Central Committee to serve as the vice chairman of the National People’s Congress

However, when Xi Zhongxun was engaged in the Qingyuan experience

It is true Actually went to Shaoguan City
Shaoguan and Qingyuan are both in northern Guangdong
So
Xiao Yang had direct contact with Xi Zhongxun, and they were superiors and subordinates
Zhou Qiang was Xiao Yang’s secretary
Zhou Qiang was Xi Jinping’s man
What about Li Keqiang?
Li Keqiang was not parachuted into the Communist Youth League like Zhou Qiang
Li Keqiang was a cadre who grew up in the Communist Youth League
And when Li Keqiang was promoted, Hu Jintao was working in the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League
So Hu Chunhua was a Tibetan cadre
He was also parachuted into the Communist Youth League,
Why is he a member of the League faction?
In 1987, Hu Chunhua served as the deputy secretary of the Communist Youth League of the Tibet Autonomous Region. The secretary of Tibet at that time was Wu Jinghua. Yin Fatang was dismissed by Hu Yaobang in June 1985, and Wu Jinghua was sent to serve as the secretary of the Tibet Regional Party Committee.
Later, in February 1990, Hu Chunhua was promoted from the level of a director to the level of a deputy department. In March 1992, Hu Chunhua went to the Administrative Office of Linzhi Prefecture, Tibet as a deputy commissioner (equivalent to a deputy mayor). In December 1992, he returned to the Communist Youth League of Tibet Autonomous Region Committee and was promoted to Secretary. These steps were promoted by Hu Jintao, the then Secretary of Tibet.

So, there is no such thing as the Youth League faction, only the Hu Yaobang faction and the Hu Jintao faction.

Hu Chunhua is a member of Hu Yaobang and Hu Jintao. They are all from Deng Xiaoping’s faction

Hu Chunhua is a member of Hu Yaobang and Hu Jintao

That’s why he became the secretary of the Communist Youth League

Let me explain it to you

The former secretaries of the Communist Youth League are Wang Zhaoguo, Hu Jintao, Song Defu, and Li Keqiang

These four are all from the League faction, that should be correct

I haven’t gone into too much detail

When it comes to Zhou Qiang’s term

Zhou Qiang was Xiao Yang’s secretary, and Xiao Yang and Xi Zhongxun had direct contact

When Zhou Qiang was the secretary of the Communist Youth League, Li Peng and Zhu Rongji were members of the Politburo Standing Committee

It was these two old guys who promoted Zhou Qiang

As for Lu Hao

Lu Hao was promoted by Zhu Rongji

Lu Hao was in Qinghe, Beijing at the time

He sold all the textile factories

And then Zhu Rongji was happy

He Promoted

Zhu Rongji is actually from the faction of Chen Yun and Xi Jinping

What about Qin Yizhi

When Qin Yizhi was in Panzhihua Iron and Steel

He was promoted by Sichuan Governor Zhang Zhongwei

I didn’t look closely at Zhang Zhongwei

He should be Li Peng’s man

Because Zhang Zhongwei had just taken office as governor, or acting governor, and hadn’t been officially appointed

Li Peng couldn’t wait to support Zhang Zhongwei

He should be Li Peng’s man, Li Peng is also Chen Yun’s man

What about He Junke? He Junke is a real military industry faction

The military industry faction is Peng Liyuan’s man

Let’s continue with Zhao Zhengyong’s background

Zhao Zhengyong was promoted by Yao Yilin’s henchman Lu Rongjing

In May 1983, Zhao Zhengyong served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Ma’anshan Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China and Secretary of the Ma’anshan Municipal Committee of the Communist Youth League. At this time, Lu Rongjing was the Organization Minister of the Anhui Provincial Committee (March 1983 to December 1984).
Lu Rongjing served as the Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee for 10 years from February 1988 to August 1998. Before Lu Rongjing became the Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee, he served as the Governor of Anhui Province for a short period of half a year. From January 1980 to June 1987, Lu Rongjing served as the Deputy Minister and Minister of the Anhui Organization Department, and the Deputy Secretary of Anhui Province, which means that he controlled the personnel power of Anhui for 7 years. Then when he became the Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee, he controlled the personnel power even more. When Lu Rongjing was promoted to the Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee, wasn’t 1988 the time when Chen Yun was in power? This is the relationship

On November 10, 1989, Xu Qing, Director of the Anhui Provincial Economic Commission, accompanied by Jiang Zongliang, Secretary of the Guichi Municipal Party Committee, visited the Guichi Steel Plant to study and solve the difficulties and problems in production and operation. There are too many keywords in this sentence. First of all, Xu Qing, the former secretary of the Ma’anshan Municipal Party Committee who promoted Zhao Zhengyong, was later promoted to the director of the Anhui Provincial Economic Commission. Zhu Rongji served as the deputy director of the State Economic and Trade Commission of China from May 1983 to December 1987. As the director of the Anhui Provincial Economic Commission, Xu Qing undoubtedly has a vertical business guidance relationship with Zhu Rongji. Although, due to the long time, there is no complete resume of Xu Qing on the Internet. From the known information, Xu Qing left Ma’anshan City in March 1988 and should have served as the director of the Anhui Economic Commission. That is to say, from March 1988 to November 10, 1989, Xu Qing served as the director of the Anhui Provincial Economic Commission. There is no information about when he retired. In December 1987, Zhu Rongji was transferred from the deputy director of the State Economic and Trade Commission to Shanghai for work, and Xu Qing was promoted to the director of the Anhui Provincial Economic Commission three months later, in March 1988. It seems to be a perfect staggered, with no intersection. In April 1988, the first session of the Seventh National People’s Congress decided to no longer set up the State Economic Commission and merge it into the State Planning Commission. The State Economic Commission was re-established in March 1993. Although China abolished the Economic Commission, it was not abolished at the provincial level in Anhui, so the superior of the Anhui Provincial Economic Commission was undoubtedly the State Planning Commission. During this period, Yao Yilin concurrently served as the director of the State Planning Commission (June 23, 1987-December 26, 1989). Yao Yilin happened to be from Guichi, Anhui.

Therefore, in Ma’anshan City, Zhao Zhengyong was promoted by Xu Qing. Xu Qing and Yao Yilin are fellow villagers from Guichi, Anhui, and he is also Xu Qing’s business superior.

In Ma’anshan, there is a special group called “Guigang Children” – they are a special group formed by following their fathers in the late 1980s to take over the “85 Steel Plant”, a small third-line enterprise built by Shanghai in Guichi. They are basically between 40 and 50 years old. In 1988, a group of middle-aged men from Magang who were under the heavy pressure of life (they were basically half-households, that is, they worked in Magang, while their wives and children lived in the countryside) suddenly received an exciting news: they could bring their wives and children with them to support Guichi Steel Plant in the mountains, and the most important thing was to solve the rural household registration and employment for their children. So, the children of farmers from the mountainous areas of southern Anhui, the plains of northern Anhui, western Anhui, and the country of Sichuan followed their parents to Guichi Steel Plant. It was the beginning of their turning point in life. They spent their happy teenage years here. For various reasons, Guichi Steel Plant was closed, and those Magang people who supported Guichi Steel Plant returned to Ma’anshan.

I’ll make a map for everyone, and you can see it clearly at a glance. This Meijie Town is the Guichi Steel Plant in Guichi District, Chizhou City, and it is Yao Yilin’s hometown. This Tongling is where Lu Rongjing worked at Tongling Copper Mine before the Cultural Revolution. This is Ma’anshan where Zhao Zhengyong worked. A map will definitely make it clear at once, and it will explain the relationship between these people. It is Zhao Zhengyong who was promoted by Lu Rongjing. Lu Rongjing started his career in Tongling Copper Mine. Tongling Copper Mine is 50 kilometers away from Guichi Steel Plant, Yao Yilin’s hometown, and the place where Zhao Zhengyong worked as a secretary for Xu Qing. It is very close.

Lu Rongjing has been in power in Anhui for a long time and promoted many people, including Wang Yang, Vice Premier and Chairman of the CPPCC, Zhao Zhengyong. Lu Rongjing also promoted someone, he also promoted a person called Qiao Chuanxiu, who should be a woman. Qiao Chuanxiu, that is, Chen Yixin was not Xi Jinping’s secretary at the time, he was Qiao Chuanxiu’s secretary. So there is no Zhijiang New Army at all. I said above that there is no Youth League faction, only Deng Xiaoping’s faction. Xi Jinping does not have Zhijiang New Army. If you look at the background of those people in Zhijiang New Army Zhejiang, they are all Chen Yun’s people. Chen Yun is from Qingpu County, Shanghai, Shanghai. After he divided Shanghai into his own, his own profit range extended to Zhejiang. Those people in Zhejiang were all promoted by Chen Yun.

Let’s continue. Since Wang Yang was promoted by Lu Rongjing, is he from Chen Yun’s faction? It seems that he is not.

First of all, it is not clear whether Lu Rongjing, although he has been in power in Anhui for so long, has other people from Deng Xiaoping’s faction in Anhui. For example, are there other deputy secretaries and deputy governors from Deng Xiaoping’s faction? Let’s talk about Hui Liangyu. Hui Liangyu, you can see in this photo, he is with Lu Rongjing. Lu Rongjing is on the left and Hui Liangyu is on the right. They look very harmonious. But it is said that Hui Liangyu has always been against Lu Rongjing in Anhui. Why? It is because the two of them are not from the same faction. Hui Liangyu was promoted by Zhang Dejiang, who is also from Deng Xiaoping’s faction. Zhang Dejiang was personally appointed by Deng Xiaoping and Hu Yaobang. It should be Zhang Dejiang who promoted Hui Liangyu. It means that Lu Rongjing is from Chen Yun’s faction and Hui Liangyu is from Deng Xiaoping’s faction. Of course, the two people are against each other. It is said that although Wang Yang was promoted by Lu Rongjing, he later pledged his loyalty to Hui Liangyu and became a member of Deng Xiaoping’s faction. Because after June 4th, until Deng Xiaoping’s 90th Southern Tour, those who dared to openly support reform must be from Deng Xiaoping’s faction. At that time, there were two people who openly supported reform. Between 1989 and 1992, when Chen Yun was in power, they openly supported Deng Xiaoping’s reform. One was Wang Yang, and the other was He Guoqiang.

Wei Minzhou was promoted by Pu Changcheng, the secretary of Xi Jinping’s father Xi Zhongxun’s henchman Ma Wenrui

Zhou Qiang is Xi Jinping’s man, Zhao Zhengyong is Xi Jinping’s man, then what about Wei Minzhou? Wei Minzhou is still Xi Jinping’s man. I told you before that the Communist Youth League secretaries are divided into two factions. One faction is Hu Jintao, Li Keqiang, and Hu Chunhua. They are in the same faction. Zhou Qiang, Lu Hao, Qin Yizhi, and He Junke are all from Xi Jinping’s faction. The Communist Youth League is divided into two factions. Wei Minzhou is in the Shaanxi Communist Youth League, and there is no reason for him to have any relationship with the Communist Youth League Central Committee. Even if there is any relationship, the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League itself is divided into two factions. When Wei Minzhou was in the Shaanxi Communist Youth League, his superior was Pu Changcheng. Pu Changcheng later went to the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine, which later became the sphere of influence of Zhu Rongji’s eldest disciple. But when Pu Changcheng went there, Zhu Rongji was in power. At that time, the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine must have been in Zhu Rongji’s sphere of influence, and it was only later that it was handed over to the eldest disciple. Pu Changcheng and Li Qiang have a little bit of intersection, and Li Qiang’s background is also quite complicated. I won’t go into details here. Pu Changcheng first worked in the General Office of the Shaanxi Provincial Party Committee, that is, Pu Changcheng was either the secretary of the provincial party secretary or the secretary of the deputy secretary. The first secretary of the Shaanxi Provincial Party Committee at that time was Ma Wenrui, that is, when Ma Wenrui served as the first secretary of Shaanxi, Pu Changcheng was the secretary of the General Office at that time. Ma Wenrui was identified by Mao Zedong as Xi Zhongxun’s man. At the 10th Plenary Session of the 8th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Ma Wenrui was identified as a member of the anti-party group of Xi Zhongxun, Jia Tuofu, and Liu Jingfan. Ma Wenrui was a member of the anti-party group of Xi Zhongxun. After the Cultural Revolution, Ma Wenrui served as the first secretary of Shaanxi, and Pu Changcheng was his secretary at the time. Pu Changcheng promoted Wei Minzhou. So Wei Minzhou has nothing to do with the Youth League faction. There was no Youth League faction in the first place, and Wei Minzhou has nothing to do with the Communist Youth League group of Hu Jintao. Wei Minzhou is Xi Jinping’s man, and he is Xi Jinping’s father Xi Zhongxun’s man.

Now we already know that Zhou Qiang is Xi Jinping’s man, Zhao Zhengyong is Xi Jinping’s man, and Wei Minzhou is still Xi Jinping’s man, so what about Lou Qinjian? Lou Qinjian should also be Xi Jinping’s man. Why do you say that? Lou Qinjian is indeed more difficult. Because at the beginning, Lou Qinjian should be Hu Qili’s man. So if Lou Qinjian is Xi Jinping’s man, does it mean that Hu Qili has also betrayed? It can only be said that Hu Qili is highly suspected of betrayal. We can see it by looking at the list of members of the Politburo Standing Committee. In 1987, Zhao Ziyang and Hu Qili were members of the Standing Committee. After June 4, on June 24, 1989, Zhao Ziyang and Hu Qili stepped down, and Jiang Zemin, Song Ping and Li Ruihuan became members of the Standing Committee. Song Ping was definitely Chen Yun’s man, and Jiang Zemin’s Shanghai was also Chen Yun’s sphere of influence, so he should also be Chen Yun’s man. Li Ruihuan should be from Deng Xiaoping’s faction. In 1992, Deng Xiaoping went on a southern tour in February. In fact, after 1989, Deng Xiaoping was just like Liu Shaoqi who held a 7,000-person meeting to drive Mao Zedong out of power. In June 89, Deng Xiaoping was driven out of power by Chen Yun. In 1992, Deng Xiaoping used the gun to take back power. You can see it from this list. Chen Yun’s Yao Yilin and Song Ping stepped down. The three people who came up were Zhu Rongji, Liu Huaqing and Hu Jintao. Everyone thought that Zhu Rongji was Deng Xiaoping’s man, but in fact, Zhu Rongji was obviously Chen Yun’s man. But Liu Huaqing and Hu Jintao were both Deng Xiaoping’s men. Liu Huaqing was the man Deng Xiaoping used to guarantee Jiang Zemin would hand over power to Hu Jintao. The foreign propaganda said that the Yang Family Generals, I think the story of the Yang Family Generals is all nonsense. Yang Shangkun and Yang Baibing went down because they were young.

Ji Da, replaced by Liu Huaqing who is younger than them to defend Hu Jintao. Zhang Zhen also defended Hu Jintao. So Zhang Zhen’s son came out to support the deputy commander of the Rocket Force a few days ago, which definitely shows that the Rocket Force is full of Hu Jintao’s people. Let’s take a look at the timeline of Hu Qili. Hu Qili stepped down in June 1989. In February 1992, Deng Xiaoping went on a southern tour. In October, Hu Jintao and Liu Huaqing became members of the Standing Committee. But Hu Qili returned to power more than half a year before Deng Xiaoping’s southern tour. Was it Chen Yun who allowed Hu Qili to return to power, or was it Deng Xiaoping who allowed Hu Qili to return to power? It’s hard to say. It is said that Hu Qili went to find Wan Li and Chen Xitong at the time to find a way to return to power, and was photographed by Japanese reporters. Because it was a long time ago, I didn’t verify the source of this news, and whether it was accurate. The details are quite detailed, and the fact is that Hu Qili had indeed returned to power before Deng Xiaoping’s southern tour. Since he was able to make a comeback, it means that he must have used connections everywhere to make a comeback. Did he surrender to Chen Yun? It is hard to say, we have to ask him. So Lou Qinjian should have been promoted by Hu Qili. Lou Qinjian later came to power when Xi Jinping was in power. Let’s put it this way, whether Hu Qili surrendered to Xi Jinping or not is hard to say. But the fact is that Hu Qili had already made a comeback before Deng Xiaoping’s southern tour. We only have so many facts, and Lou Qinjian is likely to have a relationship with Hu Qili. Another person is Wang Hao, the vice chairman of the Jiangsu CPPCC who was recently arrested, who should also be Lou Qinjian’s henchman. So there are search tips on the Internet saying, why is Lou Qinjian fine? Zhao Zhengyong was arrested, and Zhao Zhengyong and Lou Qinjian did not implement Xi Jinping’s instructions. Zhao Zhengyong was arrested, but Lou Qinjian was fine. It would be fine if Lou Qinjian was fine, but the key point is that Lou Qinjian became the spokesperson at this year’s two sessions and made a big splash. Li Qiang, as a prime minister, did not allow him to speak, but Lou Qinjian was speaking. What does this mean? If Lou Qinjian is not Xi Jinping’s man, isn’t this a slap in Xi Jinping’s face? This example can be a small piece of evidence, proving that Lou Qinjian is Xi Jinping’s man.

So we see that Zhou Qiang is Xi Jinping’s man, Zhao Zhengyong is Xi Jinping’s man, Wei Mingzhou is Xi Jinping’s man, Lou Qinjian is Xi Jinping’s man, then what about Xu Lingyi?

Xu Lingyi is really not Xi Jinping’s man
This logic makes sense, right?

Why is Xu Lingyi not Xi Jinping’s man? As mentioned before, Chen Yixin is not Xi Jinping’s secretary. He is the deputy secretary-general of the provincial party committee. This is common sense. The deputy secretary-general of the provincial party committee sometimes accompanies Xi Jinping, but he has a full-time service person, she is Qiao Chuanxiu. Chen Yixin is Qiao Chuanxiu’s secretary, and Qiao Chuanxiu was promoted by Lu Rongjing, who is Chen Yun’s man. So Chen Yixin, because Xi Jinping inherited the power of Chen Yun’s faction, Chen Yun passed it to Li Peng, Li Peng passed it to Zhu Rongji, and Zhu Rongji passed it to Xi Jinping, so Chen Yixin is Xi Jinping’s man. The same is true for Xu Lingyi. Before Xi Jinping went to Zhejiang, he had already served as the deputy director of the Propaganda Department of the Provincial Party Committee. The director was Chen Min’er, who was promoted by Zhang Dejiang. Now Chen Min’er has not entered the Politburo Standing Committee, which shows that Xi Jinping does not regard Chen Min’er as his own. The same is true for Xu Lingyi. Although Xu Lingyi was promoted to deputy secretary-general of the Provincial Party Committee during Xi Jinping’s tenure as provincial party secretary, the person Xu Lingyi served should be Li Jinming, the deputy secretary at the time. Li Jinming was a cadre in Henan. The governor who promoted Li Jinming at the time should be He Zhukang and the provincial party secretary Yang Xizong. These two people should be Zhao Ziyang’s people, Henan is Zhao Ziyang’s hometown.

At that time

Henan Governor He Zhukang and Liu Yuan’s uncle Wang Guangying cooperated

On July 12, 1985, Henan Governor He Zhukang led the Henan Foreign Economic and Technical Cooperation Delegation to Hong Kong to hold a press conference on Henan Foreign Economic and Technical Cooperation Projects. He Zhukang introduced the basic situation of Henan Province, the investment environment and the preferential conditions for foreign economic and technological cooperation to people from all walks of life, including the overseas press, business, finance and industry, and discussed with people from all walks of life the relevant issues of further expanding cooperation.

On July 20, 1985, Hong Kong Everbright Industrial Company and the Henan Provincial People’s Government signed a cooperation agreement in Hong Kong. Wang Guangying, chairman of Everbright Industrial Company, and He Zhukang, governor of Henan Province, signed the agreement on behalf of both parties. The agreement aims to promote the economic construction and development of Henan Province and is based on the principle of mutual benefit. Henan Province provides specific projects and Everbright Industrial Company invests or organizes foreign investment. Two and a half years later, Wang Guangying’s nephew Liu Yuan served as vice governor of Henan (January 1988-June 1992). Li Keqiang and Li Changchun have both served as governors of Henan Province. He Zhukang, Liu Yuan, Li Keqiang, Li Changchun and others are all from the Deng Xiaoping faction, so Liu Yuan was suppressed by Xi Jinping of the Chen Yun faction.

Liu Yuan is from Zhao Ziyang’s faction, Deng Xiaoping’s faction
That’s why Xi Jinping didn’t promote Liu Yuan. So, there is no Youth League faction, only Deng Xiaoping’s faction. There is no Zhijiang New Army, only Chen Yun’s faction. There is no second generation of reds either. Liu Yuan is from Zhao Ziyang’s faction, Hu Yaobang’s faction, and Deng Xiaoping’s faction. Li Keqiang was also the governor of Henan, and Henan was Zhao Ziyang’s base camp. So Liu Yuan was suppressed by Xi Jinping from Chen Yun’s faction.

Xu Lingyi later went to the Civilization Committee and served as a full-time deputy director. The Civilization Committee was one of the few strongholds that Hu Jintao was finally conquered by Xi Jinping. Let’s take a look. The strongholds that Hu Jintao was finally conquered by Xi Jinping were Jilin Province and the Civilization Committee. The deputy director at that time was Jiang Yikang. This Jiang Yikang, the big foreign propaganda said every day that he was Zeng Qinghong’s man. Jiang Yikang is my favorite. I like this one the most when looking for information. Jiang Yikang has ironclad evidence. Jiang Yikang was the person who scattered Deng Xiaoping’s ashes with Hu Jintao. At that time, there were only two outsiders besides the Deng family. One was Hu Jintao, and the other was Jiang Yikang who scattered Deng Xiaoping’s ashes. Then you say who Jiang Yikang is, you don’t need to find other information.
Whose man is Jiang Yikang? Jiang Yikang is Deng Xiaoping’s man.
The foreign propaganda is saying that Jiang Yikang is Zeng Qinghong’s man, but it’s hard to say.
Zeng Qinghong may also be Deng Xiaoping’s man.
From his faction, Zeng Qinghong may also be Deng Xiaoping’s man.
Let’s talk about the Rocket Force.
The Rocket Force was wiped out.
Why was it wiped out?
What about leaking secrets is nonsense.
The Rocket Force’s deputy commander Wu Guohua.
In the end, Zhang Zhen’s eldest son Zhang Xiaoyang came to endorse him.
No one dared to come.
Zhang Zhen was the one before Liu Huaqing.
The one before was taken over.
After the 1992 Southern Tour.
After Deng Xiaoping’s Southern Tour.
Liu Huaqing was sent.
This is very rare.
May be the only time.
I don’t know if it is true. It should not be the only one. It seems that Lin Biao was also a soldier. There are also many military personnel who have joined the Standing Committee. After the so-called reform and opening up, this is quite rare. Military personnel have joined the Standing Committee. Liu Huaqing’s purpose was to protect Hu Jintao with a gun. At that time, there was another person named Zhang Zhen. Liu Huaqing and Zhang Zhen were two people. They were sent by Deng Xiaoping to protect Hu Jintao with a gun. Now Zhang Zhen’s eldest son has come out to endorse Wu Guohua. Doesn’t it mean that the Rocket Force has always been loyal to Deng Xiaoping and Hu Jintao? The commanders and political commissars of the Rocket Force all came from within the Rocket Force. They have nothing to do with the Equipment Development Department or the original General Armament Department. There may be some deputy commanders. It is possible. He was from the Equipment Development Department. Is Xi Jinping interfering? In general, he should be loyal to Hu Jintao in the entire Rocket Force. So he was caught in one fell swoop. So through these five people, the Shaanxi Qinling Villa and Shaanxi 100 billion mining rights case are basically straightened out. Zhou Qiang is Xi Jinping’s man. Zhao Zhengyong is Xi Jinping’s man. Wei Minzhou is Xi Jinping’s man. Lou Qinjian is Xi Jinping’s man. Xu Lingyi, who investigated the four of them, is Hu Jintao’s man. This means that Hu Jintao wants to investigate Xi Jinping. It’s that simple. Then finally, let me explain to you why Xi Jinping issued six instructions. Everyone thinks that Xi Jinping must investigate this case. This is definitely not the case. It’s all Zhao Leji who is trying to flatter Xi Jinping.

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