朱镕基帮林树森升省长

首先从网上找到了这段报道《朱镕基帮林树森升省长 内幕曝光》,然后来验证这段消息的真伪。

朱镕基相助,林树森异地升省长

  2006年,对于林树森的仕途来说,是极为关键的一年。他是1946年12月生人,到2006年底就年满60岁了。按照中共的政策,官员一旦年届60足岁,就不能提升了。因此,当林树森眼巴巴地看着自己一天一天接近60周岁时,心中的焦急可想而知。幸而“秦桧都有几个知心友,关公也有几个对头人”,林树森上世纪90年代初担任广东省计委主任时,因工作关系,与朱镕基过从甚密,朱镕基对林树森的能力颇为赏识,林树森也很会投其所好,因而得到虽然已经退下来但仍有余威的朱镕基的支持。这一次,在林树森仕途进退千钧一发的重要关头,朱镕基不遗余力鼎力支持,终于在60岁来临前5个月,得以远赴贵州,升任省长之职。据说,为了确保林树森坐正省长交椅,朱镕基还专门到贵州疗养,直到贵州省人大选出林树森当省长后才离开。不过天命难违,林树森到贵州后妄自尊大的脾气一点也不肯收敛,最终还是于2010年8月罕有地被中央宣布书记、省长同时调离贵州。当时林树森只有63岁,未到法定退休年龄65岁,知道内幕的人都明白,这是林树森与贵州省委书记石宗源矛盾冲突公开化的结果。石宗源在中共高官中虽属古板保守,但性格忠厚,人脉广泛。石宗源到贵州后尽管政绩平平,但与省里一班领导还算是和谐共事。自从林树森到贵州后,情况就大不相同了。

  鉴于林树森的所作所为,石宗源多次直斥林树森为政治流氓,其他班子成员也异口同声指责林树森飞扬跋扈,根本不适合担任高级领导职务。贵阳市一度盛传一段丑闻,说林树森有一次跟贵阳市市委书记李军开会,会上双方争执起来,林树森像街头烂仔一样把一杯水淋到了李军的头上。林树森离开贵州后,在全国人大担任不用上班的闲职,林树森也懒得管事,终日留在广州,郁郁寡欢,渐渐患上了抑郁症,不得不经常到医院治疗。

林树森本人证实:2006年7月,朱镕基的确在贵州

根据网上的另外一篇报道《原广东省委常委林树森讲述:贵广高铁背后的地方博弈》。

2006年7月份,在贵州考察、休息的朱镕基》。这句话是当事人林树森亲口说的。因为林树森是2016年6月从广东广州市委书记的职位上,调任贵州省长的。林树森当上贵州省长一个月左右后,朱镕基在贵州考察,休息。这就验证了其他文章所说的,林树森是走朱镕基的后门,才当上贵州省长的。

广东省政府公报证实朱镕基与林树森关系

根据《广东省政府公报》1996年第1期,《朱森林省长在全省经济工作会议上的讲话(摘要)》(一九九五年十二月二十一日)粤府字[1995]56号。1995年12月5日至7日,党中央、国务院在北京召开中央经济工作会议。广东省参加会议的有省长朱森林和张高丽副省长及计委主任林树森同志。会议结束时,朱镕基副总理作了《再接再励,做好明年经济工作》的总结讲话。

参见《朱森林省长在全省经济工作会议上的讲话(摘要)

贵州6任省委书记和6任省长的派系背景

有了朱镕基帮助林树森当上贵州省长的背景,然后我们再来判断历任贵州省委书记和省长的背景,就容易多了。

栗战书(2010年8月 – 2012年7月)
赵克志(2012年7月 – 2015年7月)
陈敏尔(2015年7月 – 2017年7月)
孙志刚(2017年7月 – 2020年11月)
谌贻琴(2020年11月 – 2022年12月)
徐麟(2022年12月 – )

林树森(2006年7月-2010年8月)
赵克志(2010年8月-2012年12月)
陈敏尔(2012年12月-2015年10月)
孙志刚 (2015年10月-2017年9月 )
谌贻琴(2017年9月-2020年11月)
李炳军(2020年11月 – )

首先林树森是朱镕基提拔的,李炳军也是朱镕基大秘,这就对了,呼应上了。

王岐山是朱镕基的大弟子,林树森1996年8月起,任广州市长,而王岐山1997年至2000年,任广东常务副省长,这也对上了。

中间赵克志也是习近平派系的。因为林树森担任广东计委主任的上级不仅有朱镕基,还有张高丽。张高丽山东省委书记的前任正是吴官正姜春云。姜春云和赵克志都是山东青岛莱西老乡。赵克志都已经是习近平第二个任期的公安部长了,都已经修宪称帝,难道还不是习近平派系的吗?大外宣的说法怎么自相矛盾啊?一边说习近平一统天下,一边却连刀把子都要清洗?

1985年4月孙志刚进入武汉市人民政府工作,任经济委员会副主任,当时的武汉市委书记(时设第一书记)、市长是吴官正。2002年8月,孙志刚任湖北省委秘书长、省直机关工委书记,成为时任湖北省委书记俞正声的秘书长,2002年11月15日,吴官正任中纪委书记。因此,孙志刚是朱镕基,张高丽,吴官正派系的,也就是习近平派系的,不是俞正声派系的。孙志刚是李希抓的,赵克志在河北的大秘商黎光也是李希抓的,姜春云和陆昊的秘书李显刚还是李希抓的,李希和赵乐际,俞正声是一个派系的。但是,赵克志在贵州的秘书李刚却被习近平提拔为青海组织部长。而现在的中组部长李干杰和姜春云,吴官正,张高丽一样都曾经是山东省委书记。不然的话,习近平一边提拔赵克志的秘书李刚为青海组织部长,一边抓赵克志的秘书商黎光,难道习近平精神分裂吗?

医改副组长是毕井泉

2006年9月,孙志刚转任中共安徽省委常委,并任安徽省人民政府常务副省长。2008年3月,王岐山成为中国副总理,王岐山的老婆姚明珊是安徽池州市贵池区人。2009年,在中共中央、国务院《关于深化医药卫生体制改革的意见》下发后,孙志刚兼任安徽省医改领导小组组长,主持该省医药卫生体制改革。由安徽方面创立的基本药物采购模式,在2010年1月举行的“实施国家基本药物制度现场经验交流会”上,受到国家医改办多位负责人的认可,被称为“安徽模式”。2010年12月,孙志刚进京担任国家发展和改革委员会副主任、兼国务院深化医药卫生体制改革领导小组办公室主任,在全国范围推广“安徽模式”。当时,中国国务院副秘书长毕井泉担任国务院深化医药卫生体制改革领导小组副组长,毕井泉自2008年4月担任国务院副秘书长,协助时任国务院副总理王岐山的工作。

因此,孙志刚的背景和靠山就是吴官正和王岐山,不是俞正声。

吴官正是王岐山的生意伙伴

王岐山就是山东青岛人,16岁前王岐山在青岛长大。现在的青岛市委书记曾赞荣和前任书记王清宪都是王岐山的马仔。

吴官正的大儿子吴祖华和王岐山在青岛做生意,杜世成是王岐山吴官正马仔,贪腐被发现后,王岐山让吴祖华自我了断。青岛天逸海湾在2007年12月1日以21.7亿元将公司全部股份卖给中央企业中粮集团及北京中融世纪投资顾问有限公司。青岛天逸海湾是青岛最大的别墅区,是吴官正和王岐山两任腐败的中纪委书记盖的。王岐山是山西人,16岁前在青岛长大。中融信托是中植系公开的钱袋子,是王岐山和彭丽媛的白手套。

吴官正的二儿子吴少华在王岐山的光大银行工作了12年。2008年12月,吴官正退休1年后,吴官正的二儿子吴少华进入光大工作。2021年1月,赵乐际要抓贪腐的吴少华,王岐山安排吴少华躲到中国人寿,担任副总裁。

方威是吴官正马仔苏荣的白手套,现在是王岐山海航的白手套。海航还是王岐山的,不过是左手倒右手,换个白手套罢了。

李克强是大外宣搞出来的王岐山的背锅侠

孙志刚在安徽工作,投靠的是王岐山,不是李克强。

浙江省委书记车俊,浙江副省长朱从玖,安徽副书记虞爱华,新疆副书记何忠友,江西副书记吴忠琼,福建组织部长邢善萍,江西宣传部长梁桂,吉林宣传部长曹路宝都是王岐山老婆姚明珊的安徽老乡,而不是李克强的安徽老乡。

大外宣用李克强来替习近平王岐山来混淆视听,洗地。

综合

下来,贵州省长的派系就是林树森,赵克志,孙志刚,李炳军是习近平派系的,陈敏尔和谌贻琴是赵乐际派系的。两个派系在缠斗,争夺省长,乃至省委书记的职位,因此贵州官场才会有那么多官员被抓。

英文翻译

Zhu Rongji helped Lin Shusen be promoted to provincial governor
First, I found this report from the Internet, “The inside story of Zhu Rongji helping Lin Shusen to be promoted to governor was exposed”, and then I verified the authenticity of this news.

Zhu Rongji helped, and Lin Shusen was promoted to provincial governor in another place.
2006 was an extremely critical year for Lin Shusen’s career. He was born in December 1946 and will be 60 years old by the end of 2006. According to CCP policy, officials cannot be promoted once they reach the age of 60. Therefore, as Lin Shusen watched helplessly as he approached his 60th birthday day by day, one can imagine the anxiety in his heart. Fortunately, “Qin Hui had several close friends, and Guan Gong also had several enemies.” When Lin Shusen was the director of the Guangdong Provincial Planning Commission in the early 1990s, he had a close relationship with Zhu Rongji due to his work relationship. Zhu Rongji was quite impressed with Lin Shusen’s abilities. Lin Shusen was also very good at catering to his wishes, so he received the support of Zhu Rongji, who although he had retired, he still had some power. This time, at a critical juncture in Lin Shusen’s career, Zhu Rongji spared no effort to support him. Finally, five months before he turned 60, he was able to go to Guizhou and be promoted to the position of governor. It is said that in order to ensure that Lin Shusen took the position of governor, Zhu Rongji went to Guizhou for recuperation and did not leave until the Guizhou Provincial People’s Congress elected Lin Shusen as governor. However, destiny cannot be violated. Lin Shusen refused to restrain his arrogant temper after arriving in Guizhou. In August 2010, in August 2010, the central government rarely announced that the secretary and provincial governor would be transferred from Guizhou at the same time. Lin Shusen was only 63 years old at the time and was under the legal retirement age of 65. Anyone who knew the inside story knew that this was the result of the public conflict between Lin Shusen and Guizhou Provincial Party Committee Secretary Shi Zongyuan. Although Shi Zongyuan is old-fashioned and conservative among senior CCP officials, he has a loyal character and extensive connections. Although Shi Zongyuan’s political achievements were mediocre after arriving in Guizhou, he still worked harmoniously with a group of provincial leaders. Ever since Lin Shusen arrived in Guizhou, the situation has been completely different.

In view of Lin Shusen’s actions, Shi Zongyuan repeatedly denounced Lin Shusen as a political hooligan. Other team members also accused Lin Shusen of being domineering and unfit for senior leadership positions. There was a scandal widely spread in Guiyang City. It was said that Lin Shusen once had a meeting with Guiyang Municipal Party Committee Secretary Li Jun. During the meeting, the two sides got into an argument. Lin Shusen poured a glass of water on Li Jun’s head like a street gangster. After Lin Shusen left Guizhou, he worked in the National People’s Congress as a part-time job without working. Lin Shusen was too lazy to take care of things and stayed in Guangzhou all day long. He was unhappy. He gradually suffered from depression and had to go to the hospital frequently for treatment.

Lin Shusen himself confirmed: Zhu Rongji was indeed in Guizhou in July 2006
According to another report on the Internet, “Former Guangdong Provincial Party Committee Standing Committee Member Lin Shusen Narrated: The Local Game Behind the Guiyang-Guangzhou High-speed Railway.”

“Zhu Rongji inspected and rested in Guizhou in July 2006”. This sentence was said by the person involved, Lin Shusen himself. Because Lin Shusen was transferred from the position of Secretary of the Municipal Party Committee of Guangzhou, Guangdong to Governor of Guizhou in June 2016. About a month after Lin Shusen became the governor of Guizhou, Zhu Rongji inspected Guizhou and rested. This verifies what other articles said that Lin Shusen became governor of Guizhou through Zhu Rongji’s back door.

The Guangdong Provincial Government Gazette confirmed the relationship between Zhu Rongji and Lin Shusen
According to “Guangdong Provincial Government Gazette” Issue 1, 1996, “Governor Zhu Senlin’s Speech at the Provincial Economic Work Conference (Abstract)” (December 21, 1995) Yue Fu Zi [1995 ] No. 56. From December 5 to 7, 1995, the Party Central Committee and the State Council held the Central Economic Work Conference in Beijing. The meeting was attended by Guangdong Governor Zhu Senlin and Vice Governor Zhang Gaoli and Comrade Lin Shusen, Director of the Planning Commission. At the end of the meeting, Vice Premier Zhu Rongji made a concluding speech on “Keep up the good work and do a good job in economic work next year.”

See “Governor Zhu Senlin’s Speech at the Provincial Economic Work Conference (Abstract)”

The factional backgrounds of Guizhou’s six provincial party committee secretaries and six provincial governors
With Zhu Rongji’s background in helping Lin Shusen become the governor of Guizhou, it will be much easier for us to judge the backgrounds of the previous Guizhou Provincial Party Committee Secretaries and Governors.

Li Zhanshu (August 2010 – July 2012)
Zhao Kezhi (July 2012 – July 2015)
Chen Miner (July 2015 – July 2017)
Sun Zhigang (July 2017 – November 2020)
Chen Yiqin (November 2020 – December 2022)
Xu Lin (December 2022 – )

Lin Shusen (July 2006-August 2010)
Zhao Kezhi (August 2010-December 2012)
Chen Min’er (December 2012-October 2015)
Sun Zhigang (October 2015-September 2017)
Chen Yiqin (September 2017-November 2020)
Li Bingjun (November 2020 – )

First of all, Lin Shusen was promoted by Zhu Rongji, and Li Bingjun was also Zhu Rongji’s chief secretary. This is correct and echoes.

Wang Qishan is Zhu Rongji’s eldest disciple. Lin Shusen has been the mayor of Guangzhou since August 1996, and Wang Qishan served as the executive deputy governor of Guangdong from 1997 to 2000. This is also a match.

In the middle, Zhao Kezhi is also from Xi Jinping’s faction. Because Lin Shusen’s superiors as director of the Guangdong Planning Commission were not only Zhu Rongji, but also Zhang Gaoli. Zhang Gaoli’s predecessors as Secretary of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee were Wu Guanzheng and Jiang Chunyun. Jiang Chunyun and Zhao Kezhi are both fellows from Laixi, Qingdao, Shandong. Zhao Kezhi is already the Minister of Public Security in Xi Jinping’s second term. He has already amended the constitution and proclaimed himself emperor. Aren’t they still members of Xi Jinping’s faction? How come the statement of the Great External Propaganda is contradictory? While saying that Xi Jinping dominates the world, he even wants to clean the knife handle?

In April 1985, Sun Zhigang entered the Wuhan Municipal People’s Government and served as deputy director of the Economic Committee. The Wuhan Municipal Party Committee Secretary (then First Secretary) and Mayor at that time was Wu Guanzheng. In August 2002, Sun Zhigang was appointed Secretary-General of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee and Secretary of the Working Committee of Provincial Government Agencies, and became Secretary-General of Yu Zhengsheng, then Secretary of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee. On November 15, 2002, Wu Guanzheng was appointed Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. . Therefore, Sun Zhigang belongs to the Zhu Rongji, Zhang Gaoli, and Wu Guanzheng factions, that is, to the Xi Jinping faction, not to the Yu Zhengsheng faction. Sun Zhigang was arrested by Li Xi, Zhao Kezhi’s top secret agent Li Guang in Hebei was also arrested by Li Xi, Jiang Chunyun and Lu Hao’s secretary Li Xiangang were arrested by Li Xi, and Li Xi, Zhao Leji, and Yu Zhengsheng were from the same faction. However, Zhao Kezhi’s secretary in Guizhou, Li Gang, was promoted by Xi Jinping to Qinghai Organization Minister. Li Ganjie, the current head of the Central Organization Committee, and Jiang Chunyun, Wu Guanzheng, and Zhang Gaoli were all former Shandong Provincial Party Committee secretaries. Otherwise, Xi Jinping promoted Zhao Kezhi’s secretary Li Gang to Qinghai Organization Minister while arresting Zhao Kezhi’s secretary Shang Liguang. Could it be that Xi Jinping is schizophrenic?

The deputy leader of the medical reform team is Bi Jingquan
In September 2006, Sun Zhigang was transferred to the Standing Committee of the Anhui Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China and served as the Executive Vice Governor of the Anhui Provincial People’s Government. In March 2008, Wang Qishan became China’s Vice Prime Minister. Wang Qishan’s wife Yao Mingshan is from Guichi District, Chizhou City, Anhui Province. In 2009, after the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council issued the “Opinions on Deepening the Reform of the Medical and Health System”, Sun Zhigang concurrently served as the leader of the Anhui Provincial Medical Reform Leading Group and presided over the reform of the medical and health system in the province. The essential drug procurement model created by Anhui was recognized by many leaders of the National Medical Reform Office at the “On-site Experience Exchange Meeting on Implementing the National Essential Drug System” held in January 2010, and was called the “Anhui Model.” In December 2010, Sun Zhigang came to Beijing to serve as deputy director of the National Development and Reform Commission and director of the Office of the State Council’s Leading Group for Deepening Medical and Health System Reform, promoting the “Anhui Model” nationwide. At that time, Bi Jingquan, Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council of China, served as deputy leader of the State Council’s Leading Group for Deepening Medical and Health System Reform. Bi Jingquan served as Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council in April 2008, assisting Wang Qishan, then Vice Premier of the State Council.

Therefore, Sun Zhigang’s background and backing are Wu Guanzheng and Wang Qishan, not Yu Zhengsheng.

Wu Guan is Wang Qishan’s business partner
Wang Qishan is from Qingdao, Shandong Province. Wang Qishan grew up in Qingdao before he was 16 years old. The current Qingdao Municipal Party Committee Secretary Zeng Zanrong and the former secretary Wang Qingxian are both Wang Qishan’s followers.

Wu Guanzheng’s eldest son Wu Zuhua and Wang Qishan were doing business in Qingdao. Du Shicheng was the son of Wang Qishan and Wu Guanzheng. After the corruption was discovered, Wang Qishan asked Wu Zuhua to commit suicide. Qingdao Tianyi Haiwan sold all its shares to the central enterprise COFCO and Beijing Zhongrong Century Investment Consulting Co., Ltd. for 2.17 billion yuan on December 1, 2007. Qingdao Tianyi Bay is the largest villa area in Qingdao. It was built by Wu Guanzheng and Wang Qishan, two corrupt secretaries of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. Wang Qishan is from Shanxi and grew up in Qingdao before he was 16 years old. Zhongrong Trust is the public purse of the Zhongzhi Department and the white glove of Wang Qishan and Peng Liyuan.

Wu Guanzheng’s second son, Wu Shaohua, has worked at Wang Qishan’s Everbright Bank for 12 years. In December 2008, one year after Wu Guanzheng retired, Wu Guanzheng’s second son Wu Shaohua joined Everbright. In January 2021, Zhao Leji wanted to arrest the corrupt Wu Shaohua, and Wang Qishan arranged for Wu Shaohua to hide in China Life and serve as vice president.

Fang Wei was Wu Guanzheng’s white glove, Ma Zai Su Rong’s, and now he is Wang Qishan’s HNA’s white glove. HNA still belongs to Wang Qishan, but the left hand is replaced with the right hand, and white gloves are used.

Li Keqiang is Wang Qishan’s scapegoat created by the propaganda campaign
Sun Zhigang works in Anhui and relies on Wang Qishan, not Li Keqiang.

Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee Secretary Che Jun, Zhejiang Vice Governor Zhu Congjiu, Anhui Deputy Secretary Yu Aihua, Xinjiang Deputy Secretary He Zhongyou, Jiangxi Deputy Secretary Wu Zhongqiong, Fujian Organization Minister Xing Shanping, Jiangxi Propaganda Minister Liang Gui, Jilin Propaganda Minister Cao Lubao are all Wang Qishan’s wife Yao Ming Shan’s Anhui fellow, not Li Keqiang’s Anhui fellow.

Foreign propaganda uses Li Keqiang to replace Xi Jinping and Wang Qishan to confuse the public and clear the ground.

comprehensive
Come down, the faction of the governor of Guizhou is Lin Shusen, Zhao Kezhi, Sun Zhigang, Li Bingjun is from the Xi Jinping faction, and Chen Min’er and Chen Yiqin are from the Zhao Leji faction. The two factions are fighting for the position of provincial governor and even provincial party committee secretary, which is why so many officials in Guizhou officialdom have been arrested.

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